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© Underwood & Tliulerwood 

the CAPITOL, WASHINGTON 
















THE YOUNG CITIZEN’S 
OWN BOOK 


BY 

CHELSEA CURTIS ERASER 

Author of “Boys’ Book of Sea Fights,” 
“Boys* Book of Battles,” etc. 


ILLUSTRATED 


NEW YORK 

THOMAS Y. CROWELL COMPANY 

PUBLISHERS 







Copyright, 1920 

By THOMAS Y. CROWELL COMPANY 


SEP 29 I92U 


©CI,A576633 



CONTENTS 


CHAPTER PAGE 

I A Visit to the National Capital .... i 

II The Government of the United States . 14 

III Territories and Dependencies of the Ujhted 

States.29 

IV The Rights of Citizenship.44 

V Young Citizens.55 

VI Political Parties and Their Platforms . 75 

VII Political Party Organization.86 

VIII The Business of Voting.96 

IX The Government of Township and County . 108 

X City Government in General.118 

XI The Real Meaning of Schools . . . . 132 

XII The State Legislature.150 

XIII The State Executive.159 

XIV The State Judiciary.167 

XV The Presidency—I.176 

XVI The Presidency—II.186 

XVII The President’s Assistants.194 

XVIII The Federal Congress.203 

XIX Congress at Work.217 

XX The Federal Judiciary.231 

iii 














iv CONTENTS 

CHAPTEl BASE 

XXI Taxation and Finance. . 243 

XXII The Regulation of Commerce. 257 

XXIII National Defense .271 

XXIV Interesting Bureaus, Organizations and In¬ 

stitutions .282 

XXV Our International Relations.300 

Charts.309 





PREFACE 


‘‘Let reverence for the law be breathed by 
every American mother to the lisping babe that 
prattles on her lap; let it be taught in the schools, 
in seminaries, in colleges; let it be written in 
primers, spelling-books and almanacs; let it be 
preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legisla¬ 
tive halls, and enforced in courts of justice. And 
in short let it become the political religion of the 
nation.’^ 

When Abraham Lincoln gave expression to the 
above precepts, more than a half-century ago, he 
realized that if there was any one element that 
could make America safe and comfortable for 
her people, it was reverence for the law. He 
knew that no matter how good America’s laws 
might be, they would amount to naught if her 
citizens held them in contempt. He knew that 
respect for the law meant a united, happy, pros¬ 
perous race; that disrespect meant selfishness, 
corruption, sin, and ultimate calamity. Further¬ 
more, he knew that if men and women were to 
be law-abiding, they must learn this beautiful 
lesson while they were still boys and girls. 


vi 


PREFACE 


Citizenship can be practised by the youngest, 
as well as by the oldest. Though it may end 
gloriously in the White House itself, it must start 
in the home and be chummed with when one is 
little. Only by cheerfully obeying the laws of 
mother and father, school and God while grow¬ 
ing up, will our future law-makers fall into line 
with the laws of our town, our State, and our 
Nation. 

And the Young Citizens themselves are realiz¬ 
ing more and more the importance of the job just 
ahead of them. Through Junior Republics— 
one of which is described in a succeeding chapter 
—through school and college clubs—through the 
Boy Scout movement, and the like—they are 
learning, first of all, how to govern themselves, 
and, second, how the machinery of government 
all about them is run. 

‘'The Young Citizen’s Own Book” is offered 
to all such boys and girls as a friendly guide. It 
is a little text-book on National, State, City and 
County affairs, in which we have tried to tell as 
directly as possible both the how and the why of 
things. At the end a series of charts will be 
found which may serve to bring out the plan and 
structure of our Government in a more graphic 
way. 


THE 

YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


CHAPTER I 

A VISIT TO THE NATIONAL CAPITAL 

Suppose you slip into your best clothes some 
fine morning, shine your shoes, put a little spend¬ 
ing money in your pocket, and take that long- 
cherished trip to the city of Washington, the 
home of the President of the United States, the 
seat of the federal Government, in fact the Na¬ 
tional capital itself! Could you possibly conceive 
of a more wonderful sight-seeing trip than this? 
Indeed not! You are in luck, great luck. For 
you are going to visit the most interesting and 
patriotically-inspiring city in America; and what 
is more, you are going to come back the proudest 
chap in all the universe to think that you are 
really a citizen of the country which Washington 
governs. 

While in the National capital you are going to 
find out many, many things about your own land 
that you never knew before—every man does, 


2 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

every ’woman does, every boy does, every girl 
does; and you are never going to cease talking 
about the splendid impression it all made on you. 
You are going to find out that Washington is 
hospitality itself to her visitors. You will find 
the doors to her treasure-houses wide open, with 
guides waiting to admit you and show you the 
secrets of the wizards who make the laws for 
this big country of ours, who coin the money 
and print the bank-notes we all handle; who 
bring us, with the speed of the wind, the letters 
we receive from friends far away; who register 
the many strange and remarkable inventions 
which soon will be changing our customs once 
more; and whose necromancy seems to grow 
more complex and thrilling as we continue our 
rounds. 

You will find that the District of Columbia is 
the smallest political division of the United 
States of America, and that the city of Wash¬ 
ington occupies about one-seventh part of it. All 
the people of the District, whether living within 
the city limits or not, are in the habit of con¬ 
sidering themselves as residents of Washington. 

In all the country there is no city quite so 
American. This is because its population is 
made up of people from every State, the great 
majority of whom are Government employees. 
And yet it is not American at all in another way; 



© Underwood & Underwood 

VIEW OF WASHINGTON, D. C, 















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VISIT TO NATIONAL CAPITAL 3 

its people absolutely can not vote in the District, 
nor elsewhere unless they are bonafide residents 
of these other localities and go there at polling 
time. It is also the most cosmopolitan of Ameri¬ 
can cities, because representatives of all other 
nations dwell in it, although it has no distinctive 
foreign quarter, all nationalities of a kind being 
well interspersed among the others. 

Washington's greatest industry is government, 
and its greatest product is politics, but the issues 
are all National. It is the only city in America 
where there are no political parties in the ordi¬ 
nary sense of the term; and it is also the only 
city in the civilized world which can not choose 
any of its local officers by vote. The President 
appoints the executive and judicial officers. Con¬ 
gress, sitting as a City Council, ‘^exercises ex¬ 
clusive legislation." This is really an autocratic 
form of government in control of a democratic 
community—a unique situation,—but the opinion 
of the public rules nevertheless, they are content 
and happy, and have no complaint to make. 

The present executive government of the Dis¬ 
trict is intrusted to three commissioners. One of 
these must be an officer of at least the rank of 
major in the Engineer Corps of the Army, or a 
captain who has served at least fifteen years in 
the Army. The commissioners administer the 
details of government, prepare the budget, trans- 


4 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

mit it to the Secretary of the Treasury, who, with 
such changes as he sees fit to make, forwards it 
to Congress. Then the commissioners advocate 
it along with other District legislation before the 
District committees. Since the commissioners 
and Congress are not directly responsible to the 
people of the community, a system of expressing 
public opinion has gradually developed in Wash¬ 
ington which is very unique. Under its opera¬ 
tion the government, while extremely sensitive to 
the expressions of the populace, is unafraid of 
being ousted at elections. 

Search wherever you might in the United 
States you would have a hard time to find a city 
as beautiful as Washington. And what more 
fitting than this ? Should not our most important 
city, the seat of our National Government, be lo¬ 
cated in the finest surroundings we can find for 
it? Persons are generally judged by strangers 
by the kind of clothes they wear, surely, then, 
other nations will judge our taste and character¬ 
istics by the kind of city in which we anchor our 
Government. 

So beautiful is Washington that it is claimed 
by many travelers tp have no peer in the whole 
world. It is true that Paris has more magnificent 
vistas, but there are parts of the French metro¬ 
polis which are positively ugly—and one cannot 
say this of Washington once he has visited it. 


VISIT TO NATIONAL CAPITAL 5 

In our Capital City there are more shade trees, 
with prettier bowers, than anywhere else. Just 
imagine for yourself line upon line of magnifi¬ 
cent maples and elms, canopying the sidewalks, 
and some places most of the pavements, till you 
counted ninety-two thousand of them! Wouldn’t 
that be a sight worth while? Of itself it is 
worth a trip to Washington, using your last dol¬ 
lar. 

As a backer to its fine shade trees along its 
wide, clean streets, Washington shows its visitors 
—^if they stay long enough—almost three hun¬ 
dred little parks. These are all less than one acre 
in extent, but oh! such emerald jewels are these 
set in the mammoth city mounting of plainer 
things! There are also ten larger parks in the 
central portion of the town, the largest being the 
Mall, reaching from the Botanical Gardens, at 
the foot of Capitol Hill, to the Washington 
Monument, a distance of three-fourths of a mile. 
But the crowning glory of Washington’s park 
system are Rock Creek Park and Zoological Park, 
which are practically one. These combine almost 
two thousand acres, and Rock Creek Park is 
said to have an unexcelled beauty as a driving 
park. 

In her institutions of learning, Washington 
leads all other cities. Not only does she have the 
largest number, but also the widest variety. We 


6 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


find there universities; training schools for teach¬ 
ers, nurses, veterinarians, physicians, ministers, 
automobile engineers; and many private prepara¬ 
tory schools are supplemented by the excellent 
public school system, which was started in 1805. 

The Smithsonian Institution, the Carnegie In¬ 
stitution, the scientific bureaus of the Govern¬ 
ment, and the great libraries in Washington, at¬ 
tract scientists from all over the world, to such 
an extent, in fact, that there are more famous 
men engaged in scientific research there than in 
any other city on the globe. All the big daily 
newspapers of the country have their own staff 
correspondents there, watching like eagles for 
the first bit of news that will interest the people 
back home. And when they get it the telephone 
or telegraph wires carry it out. How those poor 
wires do hum with business! All day and all 
night they carry their heavy burden both inward 
and outward, as the mighty pendulum of the 
Nation’s clock continues to swing. 

In no other city will you find as large a pro¬ 
portion of negroes as in Washington. With its 
total population of more than three hundred 
thousand inhabitants, fully a third are blacks. 
Many of these are highly educated, hold im¬ 
portant business places, and are financially well 
fixed. The negroes are represented on the school 
board, hold places of responsibility and honor 


VISIT TO NATIONAL CAPITAL 7 

under the District government, and enjoy full 
equality before the law, although they have their 
own sections in street cars, and their own public 
swimming pool. 

So much has been written about the social 
functions in Washington, that one who has never 
been there gets the impression that the city walks 
are always athrob with dignified diplomats, 
swinging gold-headed canes as they walk leisure¬ 
ly along to keep an appointment; or the pave¬ 
ments awhirr with princely gasoline cars and 
electrics which are going from dinner party to 
dinner party, or theater party to ball-room, or 
cafe to cabaret; while the printers work overtime 
trying to keep up with their orders for pro¬ 
grammes, menues, announcements, and calling 
cards. The truth is, “society'' in Washington, as 
elsewhere, is a matter for a select few. While 
perhaps the proportion is a little greater there, 
on account of the public services of so many, 
it is estimated that only about one in thirty of 
the populace makes a practice of attending social 
doings to any great extent. 

As you walk along you naturally expect every¬ 
body to turn around for a second look if a Cabinet 
head, or a well-known Senator, should pass by. 
But this seldom happens. People who live in 
Washington are so used to seeing such distin¬ 
guished personages that they give them scarcely 


8 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


any more attention at a chance meeting than we 
would bestow upon the postman in our own 
town. Those who do turn about for a second look 
you may set down for strangers on the spot. 
That’s one way Washington fblk know new¬ 
comers the moment they begin to wander around 
a bit. The President himself is the only famous 
Washington resident who holds the interest and 
curiosity of the population. He is their real hero, 
their pride and joy, regardless of what political 
party he represents. 

If you went to Washington, and had no friends 
with whom to stop, you would of course put up 
at some one of the many hotels or boarding¬ 
houses of the city. Then you would find a curious 
state of affairs indeed. You would discover that 
each hotel, as a rule, has its own type of guests; 
that is, guests hailing from a certain locality of 
the United States; and if you were not of that 
locality the chances are you would soon feel just 
a little out of place, and make haste to change 
your abode for one catering to guests from your 
own State or section. Before they are in Wash¬ 
ington long all get this sort of clannish feeling as 
to previous residence. So you will find most 
hotels distinctively sectional, although in some 
instances the vocations of guests have more to 
do with the class of patronage than the part of 
the country from whence they come. For ex- 


VISIT TO NATIONAL CAPITAL 9 

ample, most men from Maine will go to the Hotel 
Hamilton; while the Ebbitt House is unofficial 
headquarters for officers of the Army and Navy. 

The same kind of spirit prevails among the 
boarding-houses. Can we blame Southerners for 
flocking to the hearth of the landlady who makes 
a practice of serving corn bread and hot biscuits 
with honey? Can we blame the Irish for making 
a haven of the dining-room where delicious baked 
potatoes and onion stews prevail? Or can we 
blame Bostonians for hibernating under the roof 
of a cook especially skilled in the art of blending 
brown bread, baked beans, and codfish? Or 
rough-and-ready Westerners for frequenting the 
table where oatmeal is never forgotten, beef and 
mutton are done to a turn, and formality in serv¬ 
ing is a thing unknown? In some boarding¬ 
houses you will even meet up with ''State tables,"' 
-—a last surviving reminder of the congressional 
"messes" of the early days of the Republic,— 
where all the boarders from the same State are 
adroitly grouped about one table. 

It is not at all surprising that, in so beautiful 
and distinguished a city as Washington, there 
should be a colony of wealthy Americans whose 
business is neither government or politics, but 
who choose to abide here during the winters, liv¬ 
ing in magnificent mansions, just for the social 
advantages it seems to provide for them. In the 


10 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


summertime they are gone, like migrant birds or 
butterflies of rich plumage—gone to Europe or 
the Northern seashore resorts, leaving behind 
them lonely, shuttered, useless castles, which the 
passing poor look at longingly. 

Washington’s social fabric is largely held to¬ 
gether by the warp and woof of its clubs. When 
their official duties of the day are over, the men 
who mold the affairs of the Nation are wont to 
seek relaxation in the elegant environs of the 
Metropolitan Club. Here they read, play games, 
take physical culture courses, bathe; and discuss, 
man-to-man fashion, the things that are close to 
their hearts. All restraint is thrown off; they 
are boys again—boys without a single care, out 
from school for a brief romp, a romp that will 
renew their jaded minds and bodies to meet the 
political trials of the morrow in an adequate 
manner. 

In the same way the Cosmos Club caters to the 
needs of the scientists. Its membership includes 
the greatest inventors and investigators of the 
scientific world. The club is quartered in the 
fine old house once owned and occupied by Dolly 
Madison. It is now the social clearing house of 
the Smithsonian Institution and the Carnegie In¬ 
stitution. Chevy Chase Country Club is sacred 
to the Army and Navy minions, while the Na¬ 
tional Press Club is made up exclusively of news- 


VISIT TO NATIONAL CAPITAL ii 

paper men, having the most extensive influence 
of any similar organization in the land. 

The oldest residence in the city of Washing¬ 
ton, the one under whose roof the most distin¬ 
guished men of the United States have all abided, 
is the White House. When it was first pro¬ 
vided for in the original design of the city, it 
was known as ‘‘The Palace.’’ But when it was 
first built, under the direction of Alexander R. 
Shepherd, a plumber, it was called “The Presi¬ 
dent’s House,” which was thought to be more 
appropriate for a Democracy. Following its 
burning by the British, it was painted white. 
Somehow the people began to speak of it after 
that as the “White House,” and by such title it 
has been known ever since. 

This dignified, simple, yet stately, structure 
had its cornerstone laid by George Washington 
in 1792, and was completed seven years later. 
James Hoban, a native of Ireland, but then a 
resident of South Carolina, drew the plans, win¬ 
ning the prize of five hundred dollars offered by 
Congress. His drawings called for the erec¬ 
tion of a three-story structure, much like the 
house of the Duke of Leinster in Dublin; but the 
public thought this too elaborate, and so the 
plans were modified into the present two-story 
building of a few large, spacious rooms. 

President John Quincy Adams was the first 


12 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

leader of the Nation to occupy the new struc¬ 
ture. Despite the fact that Mr. Adams was very 
proud of the edifice, and his good wife Abigail 
not one bit behind him in this respect, she never¬ 
theless insisted upon hanging out the family 
wash in the big East Room. Since this, every 
President has lived in the White House, and has 
had his office there until President Roosevelt 
came. The latter had an office building con¬ 
structed just to the west of it. 

Under the White House roof have been ad¬ 
ministered the policies which have resulted in 
the growth of the loose federation of thirteen 
poverty-stricken colonies into the mightiest Na¬ 
tion in the world. 

Shortly before the Civil War a writer in the 
Atlantic Monthly said, in referring to the Na¬ 
tional capital: ‘Washington is the Elysium of 
oddities, the Limbo of absurdities, an embroglio 
of ludicrous anomalies. Planned on a scale of 
surpassing grandeur, its architectural execution 
is almost contemptible. It has a Washington’s 
Monument which will never be finished, a Capi¬ 
tol that lacks a dome, and a Scientific Institute 
which does nothing but report the rise and fall 
of the thermometer!” 

There is proof that, when he wrote this, 
this gentleman described conditions quite faith¬ 
fully. Ambitions had run riot to make this head 


VISIT TO NATIONAL CAPITAL 13 

city of the Nation one for Americans to be proud 
of; but money to finish the stupendous enter¬ 
prises undertaken had been slow in forthcoming, 
and the caldron of war had put a complete halt 
to practically all improvements. 

So while then the prospect must have been dis¬ 
couraging, what a heartening change we find to¬ 
day ! The Washington Monument is completed, 
and is one of the most imposing obelisks ever 
raised by man to the memory of man. The Sci¬ 
entific Institute, far from being a source for sar¬ 
castic comment, has given to the universe of the 
living the science of meteorology. The Capitol 
has been finished; its dome, soaring toward the 
clouds, is crowned with the Emblem of Freedom 
that symbolizes the highest national attainments 
of the human race. And, more than all this, 
plans are now in process of realization for rad¬ 
ically modifying the landscape of our beautiful 
Capital City and making it an hundredfold more 
artistic than it is at present. The people of 
America are demanding it. And what the peo¬ 
ple say, that shall be! 


CHAPTER II 


THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES 

Shortly before the Revolutionary War a 
regiment of British troops was quartered in Bos¬ 
ton. Some of these soldiers greatly angered the 
Boston schoolboys by destroying the snowslides 
which they had built under considerable difficul¬ 
ties from Beacon Hill to the frog pond on the 
Common. Patiently the American boys rebuilt 
the slides, only to find them torn down again the 
next day by Redcoats. At length, in their indig¬ 
nation, they held a meeting on the very ground 
of one of their most cherished slides. As a result 
of this informal gathering, a committee was ap¬ 
pointed to protest to General Gage, the British 
commander-in-chie f. 

^^Did your fathers send you here?” demanded 
the officer, pompously. 

^^No, sir,” answered the spokesman of the little 
party. He was a tall, fair-haired lad who looked 
unflinchingly into the face of General Gage, as 
he continued: ^^This is our affair, sir; not our 
fathers’. We represent the boys of Boston. 
They sent us to demand that your soldiers stop 
14 


GOVERNMENT OF UNITED STATES 15 

destroying our snowslides. They have no right 
to interfere with our play/’ 

The British general’s early irritation turned to 
whimsical amusement, then interest, as his ques¬ 
tions drew out the whole story from the fearless 
youthful committee. His admiration for the 
boys was touched, his sympathies aroused, and 
the result was that he immediately issued orders 
that the snowslides should not again be molested 
by any of the king’s troops. 

The boys who took part in this incident of 
more than one hundred years ago did not dream 
that they were showing how the American na¬ 
tion would one day govern itself. How little 
they thought that the time was soon to come 
when all the people of the great new country 
would take the place of their abused comrades 
of Boston Common; that a committee to repre¬ 
sent them should be chosen, and that the bright¬ 
est, most fearless and most trustworthy should 
be elected as their spokesman! 

The United States of America is a democracy. 
It is, better still, a representative democracy. In 
the words of the beloved Abraham Lincoln, it is 
‘^a government of the people, by the people, for 
the people.” This form of popular government 
is one in which the citizens at large appoint cer¬ 
tain ones of their number to act for them at the 
seat of power, instead of exercising their wills 


i6 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

directly in that place, as in the case of a pure 
democracy. Such representative government is 
also often termed a republic. 

So complete might seem the powers of town, 
city and State government that there would ap¬ 
pear to be very little need of higher political or¬ 
ganization. Taxes are levied by cities and towns, 
schools are maintained by them, protection of 
life and property is provided by their police and 
fire departments, civil and criminal laws are made 
by State legislatures and enforced by municipal 
and State police and courts. Industries and pub¬ 
lic health are regulated and controlled by local 
boards and State commissions. The privilege of 
voting is granted to such individuals as each 
State may decide are entitled to it, and in many 
other ways the rights, privileges, and duties of 
the people are defined and controlled by the city 
or town or State. 

Above all these minor governments, however, 
important as they are, is the great National Gov¬ 
ernment. Under its immense wing each of the 
local governing powers is protected. Its au¬ 
thority is supreme in many matters, its laws 
must be obeyed by State, county, city and town 
in all things which are considered of more Na¬ 
tional than local importance. The coining of 
money, the making of treaties, levying of war, 
and making peace, imposing customs duties, con- 


GOVERNMENT OF UNITED STATES 17 

ducting the postal service, are matters the con¬ 
trol of which is not left to States, cities or towns, 
but is under the supervision of the National Gov¬ 
ernment. 

The laws governing these matters of the Fed¬ 
eral Government are made by the legislative as¬ 
sembly of the United States, in other words, the 
National Congress at Washington, D. C. The 
laws and regulations are enforced by the United 
States courts and by the United States executive 
departments, at the head of which is the chief 
officer of the nation, the President. 

The President occupies much the same posi¬ 
tion in the National Government as the governor 
does in the State, as the mayor does in a city, 
or as the selectmen do in a town. He has general 
charge of executing the laws of the country, and 
appoints such inferior officers as seem, necessary 
to carry into effect the laws of the land. 

The Congress makes the National laws in the 
same manner as the State legislature makes 
State laws, and the United States courts try 
cases arising under these laws as the various 
State courts do cases arising under the State 
laws. Commissions and departments have charge 
of commerce, the Army and Navy, finances, and 
other departments which concern the people of 
the whole country, and the relation of the va¬ 
rious States to each other. These national de- 


i8 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

partments, commissions and bureaus are given 
powers by the Constitution of the United States, 
and by the United States statutes, and their au¬ 
thority in matters which come under their con¬ 
trol is above the authority of States, cities and 
towns. 

To understand how such power as is exercised 
by the National Government was first given to it 
by the States and by the people (for all govern¬ 
ing power in this country is given to the govern¬ 
ing bodies by the people, as previously stated), it 
is necessary to study the early history of the 
country, when the States were mere colonies of 
England, and when, after securing their inde¬ 
pendence, they for a time thought that sufficient 
government was provided in city, town and State 
laws, and in the courts and officers. We shall 
presently see how for a time they struggled along 
without any real central National Government, 
and how the impending ruin of America caused 
them to form a Constitution which established 
the great Government and gave it power and au¬ 
thority and the means to enforce its laws. It is 
difficult for a European to understand the rela¬ 
tion between our National and our State Govern¬ 
ments, because there are no governments similar 
to ours among the European nations. Here we 
have two governments covering the same ground 


GOVERNMENT OF UNITED STATES 19 

in general, each in its own sphere commanding 
obedience of the same citizens. 

A great writer has seen fit to liken the Na¬ 
tional Government to a large building in the 
midst of many other smaller buildings which 
represent the State Governments. First came 
the smaller structures; then, as conditions war¬ 
ranted, the larger edifice sprang up. Each of the 
smaller buildings maintains its own individuality 
of design and laws, as does the larger one. Yet 
the minor structures, which can make modifica¬ 
tions and alterations in their frameworks to keep 
them in repair and up-to-date whenever they 
have occasion, must be very careful in doing so 
not to adopt any of the distinct characteristics of 
the great building itself. If any small building 
should collapse, its loss would be only slightly 
felt. On the other hand, if the large building 
met with disaster its absence would be more 
keenly realized, although the smaller could still 
stand as separate and distinct erections. 

In the early days of American history, this was 
the exact condition of the States. Then there 
was no central governing power. Each state 
adopted its own laws regardless of the general 
welfare of the other States, and much dissatis¬ 
faction and bitterness resulted as a consequence; 
moreover, they discovered they lacked the re- 


20 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


spect of other countries which might feel disposed 
to impose upon them. The result was a coalition 
of the self-governing communities, and the form¬ 
ing of that great and glorious political organiza¬ 
tion now recognized by all nations as the leading 
power of all powers in civilized Christendom— 
the United States of America! 

This Nation began, as you know from your 
history reading, with small settlements along the 
Atlantic coast from Maine to Georgia, made by 
English colonists in the seventeenth and early 
eighteenth centuries. It is true that the Swedes 
had a small settlement in New Jersey, and the 
Dutch had New Amsterdam at the mouth of the 
Hudson River, but the Swedes were early con¬ 
quered by the Dutch, who in turn were subdued 
by the English in 1684. New Amsterdam then 
became the English colony of New York, and the 
territory formerly occupied by the Swedes be¬ 
came the English colony of New Jersey. 

While the colonies were part of the English na¬ 
tion, nearly all charters were granted by the King 
of England. These charters gave them certain 
rights and privileges—in fact, in most cases gave 
them the rare privilege of managing their own 
affairs! The governors had authority of veto 
over the laws passed by the Legislative Assem¬ 
blies of the colonies, but as a rule did not use this 
power for the reason that they generally de- 


GOVERNMENT OF UNITED STATES 21 


pended upon the appropriation of money by these 
Assemblies for their salaries, and they feared 
to offend them. In two of the colonies, Rhode 
Island and Connecticut, the people themselves 
elected their governors, and there the Assemblies 
could make laws without the governor’s consent. 
Thus these two particular colonies were virtually 
little republics. 

The control which England exercised over the 
colonies was chiefly the regulating of their re¬ 
lations with other nations, particularly the regu¬ 
lation of commerce. Up to the time George III 
became ruler of England there was very little 
difficulty with the government of the colonies, 
but he was more strict than his predecessor in en¬ 
forcing the commercial laws of England, as con¬ 
cerned with America, and one of his first steps 
. was to have Parliament levy taxes upon the colo¬ 
nies in order to pay the British expense of the 
French and Indian War. These taxes were to 
be collected by selling stamps to the colonists 
which they must affix to all important law and 
business papers as well as newspapers. 

The Americans resisted this because they 
thought that they should be taxed only by their 
own Legislative Assemblies, if taxed at all. In 
their indignation, in 1765, delegates from nine 
of the colonies met in New York in the assembly 
known as the ''Stamp Act Congress,” which dre\y 


22 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

up a declaration of rights of the colonies. So 
stoutly did they hold their ground that England 
finally repealed the Stamp Act, but to offset this 
she persisted in taxing the colonies in other ways. 
This brought renewed protest, and eventually the 
ill-feeling between England and the new America 
became so bitter that it developed into open hos¬ 
tilities, ushering in the memorable Revolutionary 
War. 

Before the war actually began, however, dele¬ 
gates from all the colonies had met, in 1774, in 
Carpenter’s Hall, Philadelphia. This was the 
First Continental Congress. The delegates 
voiced their disapproval of the treatment of the 
colonies by the mother country, and drew up a 
Declaration of Rights. 

Shortly afterward actual fighting began in 
Massachusetts. Of this was born a Second Con¬ 
tinental Congress, which met in 1775 in Inde¬ 
pendence Hall, Philadelphia, and constituted it¬ 
self temporarily a National Government. It 
took charge of commerce. National defense, or¬ 
ganized a postoffice, raised an army, issued bills 
of credit, and in general made all such regula¬ 
tions as were necessary for the carrying on of 
the Government in time of war. 

Soon after the necessity was seen of having 
some plan of government that should define the 
rights and powers of this Congress. The Con- 


GOVERNMENT OF UNITED STATES 23 

gress itself was permitted to draw up a plan of 
union for the colonies into a permanent Govern¬ 
ment, which resulted in the Articles of Confed¬ 
eration. These were finally ratified by all the 
colonies in 1781. Under them the laws were 
conducted until the adoption of our present Con¬ 
stitution in 1789. At that time there were but 
thirteen States. Now we have a grand total of 
forty-eight. 

While the Articles of Confederation gave the 
National Congress considerable power in the 
matter of making laws, it was given no power to 
enforce the laws that it made. Furthermore, 
Congress could not pass laws of any kind without 
the consent of the State governments; and the 
taxes by which the Government must be carried 
on, although levied by the Congress, could not be 
collected unless the States saw fit to pay them. 
Neither had the Congress power to regulate com¬ 
merce with foreign nations or among the States. 
The result was that, with each State making its 
own customs regulations and collecting its own 
duties, there was constant quarreling and dissen¬ 
sion among them. 

It was this commercial strife among the com¬ 
munities, or little nations, that led to the calling 
of a convention of delegates from the several 
States for the purpose of amending the Articles 
of Confederation. The meeting took place in 


24 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

1787, and was attended by the leading statesmen 
of the time, among them Washington, Madison, 
Hamilton and Franklin. Much earnest discus¬ 
sion ensued. In the early part of the meeting it 
was decided that it would be better to form an 
entirely new plan of government rather than to 
try to amend the Articles of Confederation. 
After various ideas had been expressed, and 
many compromises effected, these men finally 
framed the Constitution of the United States of 
America, as we have it to-day, and submitted it 
to the States to be ratified. 

In order to make the new Constitution a law¬ 
ful institution to which any of the States must 
bow down, nine of the States were required 
to adopt it. It was found this was not to be done 
so easily. There was considerable disagreement 
among the States on several important phases 
of the Constitution. Some thought the numbers 
of delegates in the Congress of the new Govern¬ 
ment should be regulated according to State pop¬ 
ulation—one representative for every so many 
thousands of inhabitants; others thought the rep¬ 
resentation from all States should be equal, re¬ 
gardless of population. Then, too, the question 
of negro slaves came up with startling sudden¬ 
ness. It was argued by the Southern States,— 
which had more negroes than their Northern 
neighbors,—that the blacks should count equally 


GOVERNMENT OF UNITED STATES 25 

with the white freemen in estimating delegates 
on a population basis; while, on the other hand, 
the Northern States,—with comparatively slim¬ 
mer populations, if negroes were to be counted— 
objected very strenuously. 

The matter was eventually settled by a com¬ 
promise whereby the representation in the upper 
branch of the National Congress—the United 
States Senate—should be equal, while that in the 
lower house—^the House of Representatives— 
should be in proportion to population. As for 
the question of counting negro slaves, this was 
settled by a compromise also: five negroes were 
to be considered as three white people, both in 
estimating representation and in affixing taxes. 
Another dispute, that of the importation of 
slaves, was adjusted by forbidding Congress to 
pass a law prohibiting the importation of slaves 
before the year 1808. 

In June, 1788, the ninth State necessary for the 
establishment of the new Constitution had rati¬ 
fied it, whereupon all nine came under its bind¬ 
ing influence. Those States that had not rati¬ 
fied it at this time did so later. Of these, Rhode 
Island was last, coming in two years later, where¬ 
upon the Constitution became the great and fund¬ 
amental law of the whole United States. 

The period between the framing of the Con¬ 
stitution and its adoption by the required nine 


26 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


States was the most critical period in the Na¬ 
tion’s history. If it had not been adopted, and 
the strong National Government established, it 
is almost certain that the various weak States, 
struggling against each other in selfish manner, 
as in the beginning, would have drifted into an¬ 
archy and ruin. If not this, surely in their di¬ 
vided interests and fragile defensive powers, they 
and their rich lands would have fallen prey to the 
greed of some jealous and more lusty nation. 

The chief objection which many people and 
some of the States had to ratifying the Consti¬ 
tution was, that the National Government would 
be given by its provisions so much power that 
it might attempt to deprive them of the rights 
and privileges which they had so long enjoyed 
and so dearly loved. To remedy this difficulty, 
it was suggested that immediately upon its adop¬ 
tion, such amendments should be made to the 
Constitution as would safeguard these rights. 
Therefore the first ten amendments were ratified 
in 1791 S'S a sort of ‘‘Bill of Rights,” securing 
freedom of religion, the right to trial by jury, 
and other stipulations looking toward that splen¬ 
did personal liberty which has ever since made 
America the pride of her citizens and the Utopia 
of the oppressed foreigner. 

Since then there have been added to the Con¬ 
stitution eight other amendments—one providing 


GOVERNMENT OF UNITED STATES 27 

for the election of the President and Vice-Presi¬ 
dent as they are now elected; one to create a re¬ 
form in the taking of electoral votes, three abol¬ 
ishing slavery and giving the negro full citizen¬ 
ship, one to authorize the collection of an income 
tax, another providing for the election of Sena¬ 
tors by popular vote, and still another prohibit¬ 
ing the manufacture or sale of spirituous liquors. 
The last three amendments have come within a 
comparatively few years. 

The Constitution is the highest and most per¬ 
manent law of the country. It is the basis of 
government for the Nation as a whole, and also 
a guide for the States which compose it. 

This Constitution was formed and adopted 
after the United States became a free and inde¬ 
pendent Nation. Government of this kind— con¬ 
stitutional government—is considered by the 
American people the best form of government 
in the world. The Constitution may be changed 
or amended by a vote of the people, but very few 
amendments have been made within the last hun¬ 
dred years, as already shown. 

Every American citizen, young and old, should 
read and study the Federal Constitution. In it 
he will find the general plan of the Government, 
the code of rights and privileges, and the protec¬ 
tion guaranteed to all loyal Americans whether 
they be native or naturalized. All of the latter 


28 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


must take the oath of allegiance, and swear to 
support and defend the Constitution before they 
are given final citizenship papers, about which 
more will be said subsequently in the chapter 
headed “Citizenship.” After this step the for¬ 
eign-born will enjoy the same protection and 
privileges as are extended to the native-born 
Americans. 

It will be remembered that when the Constitu¬ 
tion was adopted there were only thirteen States. 
There were likewise less than four million peo¬ 
ple. Now there are forty-eight States and over 
one hundred million people. But the great law 
embodied in the Constitution means the same to 
the greater Nation as it did when it was a mere 
infant in swaddling clothes. It is now, just as 
it was then, the government of the people, by 
the people, and for the people. 


CHAPTER III 


TERRITORIES AND DEPENDENCIES OF THE UNITED 
STATES 

No factor having to do with the wonderful 
growth of our country, from the very beginning 
of its history, has been of greater importance 
than the possession by it of a vast territory 
abounding in resources and fertility, and suitable 
in every way for settlement and permanent occu¬ 
pation. 

As the Nation grew—almost before the pres¬ 
sure of increasing population had been felt—her 
area expanded in leaps and bounds. In the be¬ 
ginning, this expansion took the form of a steady 
swelling of her boundary lines, until there had 
been acquired all of the adjacent territory, which 
either was but partly settled, or the ties of which 
to another country were not of sufficient strength 
to maintain it in its allegiance. Finally, by pro¬ 
digious jumps—^but not without much dissension 
in the Federal Legislature in interpreting the 
Constitutional laws relating thereto—the move¬ 
ment of expansion overwhelmed its enemies, 
overthrew all legal obstacles, and a little more 
29 



30 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

than one century has brought under the sover¬ 
eignty of the United States to-day a wealth of 
domain difficult for its average citizen to realize. 
First, we have the vast territory lying far to the 
north—Alaska; Alaska, rich in minerals, fisher¬ 
ies and fur. Next we have valuable islands ly¬ 
ing in both the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans; 
while on the southernmost mainland itself, where 
the two American continents are joined together, 
there lies a strip of ground supporting a most re¬ 
markable American engineering feat which has 
made a fever-ridden jungle world famous as 
a manufactured gateway between two great 
seas—the Panama Canal. 

As we look back across the years that our coun¬ 
try has gone steadily marching on, considerate 
of all contemporaries, fair-minded, square¬ 
handed, but ever ambitious and quick to avail 
herself of opportunity to benefit her people when 
the rights of foreign states were not involved, 
we cannot fail to be impressed with the slight ex¬ 
tent to which this colossal movement has been 
consciously planned or directed by those having 
in charge the destinies of the Nation; indeed, the 
truth is, it has been practically beyond their abil¬ 
ity to control; it is the outcome of the wonder¬ 
fully progressive Yankee spirit, a spirit which 
no power except God’s seems able to stem, a spirit 
which is,—like all forms of free-bred, liberty- 


TERRITORIES AND DEPENDENCIES 31 

enshrined life,—light-hearted and ever-reaching 
for the better things to be had. 

Thus, though it has never deliberately or con¬ 
sciously pursued an imperialistic policy, the 
United States to-day finds itself possessed of a 
territory truly imperial at first glance,—in its ex¬ 
tent, in the variety of people or races occupying it, 
and in the wide difference of the conditions that 
have to be met in its government and administra¬ 
tion. Lying in a broad belt across the heart of 
a great Continent, its main territory now em¬ 
braces forty-eight self-governing common¬ 
wealths. Many of these in themselves possess 
the area, population, and potential material re¬ 
sources for the making of a respectable little Na¬ 
tion such as our own country found itself at the 
start of its career. 

Beginning with the Louisiana Purchase, from 
France, in 1803, and ending with the Danish 
West Indies (now Virgin Islands), in 1917, the 
territorial expansion of the United States, as 
stated, has formed one of the most stirring chap¬ 
ters of its political history. All through, the 
policy of keeping a firm hold on the Territories, 
with more or less modification, has been contin¬ 
ued. When the territory of Orleans was or¬ 
ganized, in 1904, the executive power was vested 
in a governor appointed by the President and 
Senate, and the legislative power was given to 


32 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

the governor, and a Legislative Council, con¬ 
sisting of ''thirteen of the most fit and discreet 
persons of the territory appointed annually by 
the President of the United States from persons 
holding real estate.’’ It was not until the western 
Territories were fairly well settled, and some¬ 
what experienced in the conduct of their own af¬ 
fairs, that they were given larger powers of self- 
government. 

With the admission of Arizona and New Mex¬ 
ico, in 1912, into the ever-widening realm of 
Statehood, the last of the Continental domain of 
the United States was laid out into States, and 
State organization was brought to a pleasant 
close. There are, however, two districts which 
possess governments modelled after those which 
were established in the earlier period. These 
districts are Alaska and the Hawaiian Islands. 

Alaska, the first, was secured from Russia by 
purchase in 1867. It remained under direct 
government from Washington until 1912, when 
Congress enacted a law providing for a senate, 
and house of representatives, the members of 
both of which were to be elected by popular 
vote. The first session of this assembly was held 
in March, 1913, and among its early measures 
was a law granting suffrage (the right to vote) 
to women. The powers of the legislature are 
defined by law, as in this country. The execu- 


TERRITORIES AND DEPENDENCIES 33 

tive authority is vested in a governor who is ap¬ 
pointed by the President and Senate of the United 
States. 

Thus has Alaska, long regarded as a cold and 
barren waste, possessing slight political impor¬ 
tance, come finally into the fold of States. The 
proper treatment of Federal domain in that Ter¬ 
ritory, and the provision of creating adequate 
railroad facilities for opening up the vast store¬ 
house of mineral treasure in that far-off corner 
of our country, are problems which Washington 
must yet solve. Advocates of the conservation 
of the resources named, who seek to avoid the 
wastes which occurred in disposing of the Conti¬ 
nental doma,in in the nineteenth century, are 
strongly urging the Government ownership of 
the proposed Alaska railways, in order to offset 
the greed of monopoly. 

A joint resolution of Congress, approved July 
7, 1898, resulted in the annexation of the Ha¬ 
waiian Islands. Their administration is based 
on the organic act of April 30, 1900, which 
erected them into a Territory and created a com¬ 
plete system of government, going into even 
greater detail than in the case of Arizona and 
New Mexico. The provisions of the Constitu¬ 
tion and the laws of the United States, applica¬ 
ble to local conditions, were extended to Hawaii; 
and American citizenship was conferred upon all 


34 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

persons v/ho were ‘‘citizens of the Republic of 
Hawaii on August 12, 1898/' 

The governor and secretary of Hawaii are ap¬ 
pointed by the President and Senate. The legis¬ 
lature consists of a senate and a house of rep¬ 
resentatives, and the members of each are elected 
by popular vote. Every voter must be a male 
citizen of the United States, twenty-one years of 
age, and a resident of the territory of not less 
than one year’s standing. He must be duly reg¬ 
istered, also able to read, write, and speak, either 
the English or Hawaiian language. The last- 
named provision excludes most of the Chinese 
and Japanese inhabitants, and since there is a 
decline in the number of natives, the political 
power of the Island is rapidly passing into the 
hands of the English-speaking people. 

The possession of Porto Rico by the United 
States dates from, the raising of the American 
flag on the Island in July, 1898. For close to 
two years the domain was governed by military 
authority, but on May i, 1900, the organic act of 
Congress, erecting civil government in the Isl¬ 
and, was approved by the President. This act 
did not confer citizenship upon the inhabitants; 
it merely provided that they should be deemed 
citizens of Porto Rico itself, and as such, they 
were to be entitled to the protection of the United 
States. In this regard the Porto Ricans occupy 


TERRITORIES AND DEPENDENCIES 35 

a peculiar position; they owe permanent allegi¬ 
ance to the United States, but they are not her 
citizens; nor are they aliens, according to the 
meaning of the Immigrant Act of 1891. 

The chief executive officer of Porto Rico is the 
governor, who is appointed by the President and 
the Senate of the United States for a period of 
four years. The supreme court is composed of 
five judges, likewise appointed, and holding office 
just as long as their behavior suits Uncle Sam. 
There are also six executive officers in the ca¬ 
pacities of the secretary, attorney-general, treas¬ 
urer, auditor, commissioner of the interior, and 
commissioner of education—all appointed in the 
same manner as the governor. They have double 
duties to perform. On the one hand, they con¬ 
stitute a majority in the advisory council of the 
governor, and have charge of important admin¬ 
istrative functions. On the other hand, they are 
members of the upper house of the Porto Rican 
legislature. 

Under the organic act, the legislature con¬ 
sists of two houses. The upper branch, or exec¬ 
utive council, is composed, as we have seen, of the 
six executive officials, and ‘ffive other persons of 
good repute” appointed by the President and 
Senate of the United States. Local representa¬ 
tion in this body is secured by the provision that 
at least five members of the council must be na- 


36 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

tive inhabitants. The lower house of the legis¬ 
lature consists of thirty-five members. They are 
elected biennially under a franchise which gives 
the right to vote to practically every adult male 
who has satisfied the residence requirements. 

The problem of governing the Philippine Isl¬ 
ands is far more complicated than that of gov¬ 
erning Porto Rico. This is largely due to the 
facts that in the group there are over three thou¬ 
sand islands, inhabited by more than thirty tribes 
of comparatively wild natives, chiefly of the 
Catholic faith where a faith at all is embraced 
by them, and that they are so far away from our 
own country. The population is close to eight 
million. For every dozen civilized people there 
is one savage. In culture the people range from 
the well-educated and wealthy Spaniards to the 
poor and wretched natives. 

It is little wonder, then, that our country has 
had great difficulty in devising a system of gov¬ 
ernment that will properly meet the occasion. 
For the job is a big one—not only must the re¬ 
quirements and aspirations of the proud and in¬ 
dependent elements of the population be satis¬ 
factorily provided for, but ignorance, vice, and 
cruelty of the savage mind, to say nothing of dis¬ 
ease and poverty, must be handled, guaranteeing 
security of life and property throughout the ar¬ 
chipelago. 


TERRITORIES AND DEPENDENCIES 37 

Many a boy who reads this has a father who 
took an active part in the war which terminated 
in the United States taking over the Philippine 
Islands until such time as the inhabitants proved 
that they could govern themselves. The Islands 
were acquired under a treaty with Spain, the 
vanquished nation. The protocol suspending 
hostilities with that country provided that the 
United States should hold Manila pending the 
conclusion of a treaty of peace which should it¬ 
self determine the disposition and government 
of the Islands. This treaty, duly signed at Paris, 
December 10, 1898, contained the definite trans¬ 
fer of the Philippines to the United States, leav¬ 
ing the status of the archipelago to be determined 
by Congress. 

The development of American government in 
the Islands has passed through distinct stages. 
In the beginning a considerable portion of the in¬ 
habitants were in revolt against American rule, 
the ignorant natives being led on by Spanish in¬ 
fluence. This made it necessary to govern under 
military authority, or martial law. In January 
of 1899, a commission was appointed to act in 
conjunction with Admiral Dewey and General 
Otis in extending American authority through¬ 
out the Philippines, and to investigate the whole 
problem of government there. 

When he received the report of this commis- 


38 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

sion, the President appointed, in March, 1900, 
a civil commission, with William Taft at the 
head, to continue the work of establishing civil 
government which had already been begun by 
the military officers. In 1901 the President 
transferred the government to a civil control in 
all provinces where tranquility was in force. Un¬ 
der this order Mr. Taft was made civil governor 
of the Islands. In 1902 Congress passed an or¬ 
ganic act for the Philippines, providing, among 
other things, that after the completion of the 
census and the pacification of the Islands, a leg¬ 
islative assembly should be created. The last 
stage in the construction of the Philippine gov¬ 
ernment was reached on October 16, 1907, when 
Mr. Taft, then on his celebrated tour around the 
world, opened at Manila the first representative 
assembly elected in the Islands under the au¬ 
thority of the United States. 

As now in force the executive government of 
the Philippine Islands is vested in a commis¬ 
sion of nine members, including the governor. 
These embrace five Americans and four Filipinos, 
all appointed by the President of our country. 
The legislature is made up of the Philippine com¬ 
mission, which acts as an upper house, and an as¬ 
sembly elected by those portions of the Islands 
not inhabited by Moros or other non-Christian 
tribes. The franchise for voting is limited con- 


TERRITORIES AND DEPENDENCIES 39 

siderably more than in the United States them¬ 
selves. Every voter must be a property owner, 
a taxpayer, and must be able to read, write, and 
speak English or Spanish. 

Much debate has been indulged in regarding 
the final disposal of the Philippine Islands. In 
1900, the year following the ratification of the 
treaty with Spain, the Democratic party in its 
platform condemned and denounced the leaders 
of the Republican administration for having 
placed the United States, ''previously known and 
applauded throughout the world as the champion 
of freedom, in the false and un-American posi¬ 
tion of crushing with military force the efforts 
of our former allies to achieve liberty and self- 
government.’’ The platform, furthermore, fa¬ 
vored "an immediate declaration of the Nation’s 
purpose to give to the Filipinos, first, a stable 
form of government; second, independence; and 
third, protection from outside interference.” In 
the campaign of 1912,, the Democratic party again 
came out strongly with the same arguments. But 
in each and every case of criticism, the Repub¬ 
lican party, under whose auspices the policy of 
Philippine government was inaugurated, re¬ 
torted that the Islands had as much freedom as 
conditions warranted. 

A third group of Territories of the United 
States includes the islands of Guam and Tutuila, 


40 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

and the Panama Canal Zone. All of these terri¬ 
tories are governed directly by Federal naval of¬ 
ficers, without the intervention of a legislative 
assembly in any form. Guam was secured by 
the Spanish treaty of 1898; Tutuila and islets, by 
settlement with England and Germany in 1899, 
and the Panama Canal Zone by a treaty with the 
Republic of Panama in 1904. The islands are 
very sparsely inhabited, some not at all, and 
therefore no organized form of government has 
been required. 

The government of the Panama Canal Zone, 
during the famous construction of the Canal, 
was vested in the President of the United States. 
By an executive order he created the Ishmian 
Canal Commission which virtually took out of his 
hands the actual work of administration. To¬ 
ward the closing days of the construction, Au¬ 
gust 24, 1912, Congress provided that when the 
President thought the work sufficiently ad¬ 
vanced he might abolish the Commission, and 
authorized him thereafter to govern and operate 
the Canal, and govern the Canal Zone through a 
governor and such other persons as he might 
deem competent to discharge the various duties. 

The governor of the Zone is appointed for four 
years by the President and Senate. All other 
officials are appointed by the President alone, or 
under his control. Despite the agreement 


^TERRITORIES AND DEPENDENCIES 41 

made by the United States, in the Hay-Paunce- 
fote treaty with Great Britain in 1902, to the 
effect that the Canal should be open to all nations 
without discrimination, Congress, in the act men¬ 
tioned above, provided that ships owned by 
American citizens engaged in the coastwise trade 
should be exempt from tolls. Great Britain 
protested against this discrimination, but Con¬ 
gress refused to yield. 

For the Danish West Indies—consisting of the 
islands of St. Croix, St. Thomas, and St. John, 
the United States paid Denmark twenty-five mil¬ 
lion dollars, taking possession May 31, 1917, at 
which time the population was a trifle more than 
thirty thousand. To date a Federal naval officer 
governs the dependencies. 

We have now shown the Territories—the in¬ 
habitants of which may be defined as citizens of 
the United States—and the Dependencies— 
whose inhabitants are not citizens. It remains to 
conclude our chapter of American territorial pos¬ 
sessions with a commonwealth which is neither a 
State, nor a Territory, nor a Dependency. This 
is the District of Columbia. 

The District of Columbia, in area about sev¬ 
enty square miles, was accepted by Congress in 
1770, as the seat of the Federal Government. 
Maryland made the gift, very happily and very 
proudly. 


42 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

Several experiments in the government of the 
municipality by mayor and council were tried 
out, but none of them proved successful. At 
last, in 1874, Congress passed an act which 
caused a radical change in the conduct of affairs. 
Under the former elective type of government, 
negroes, who largely predominated in the sec¬ 
tion, were privileged to vote with the whites, ac¬ 
cording to Constitutional right. This resulted 
in a sad state of affairs, which Congress realized 
must be remedied. To this end the Legislature 
thereupon provided that every citizen of the Dis¬ 
trict should be denied the privilege of the polls. 
It proved a wise law. Immediately conditions 
locally began to improve. 

The legislative powers of the District are now 
assumed by Congress, which has by rule set aside 
certain days to be devoted to the business of the 
District itself. The executive power is in the 
hands of three Commissioners, composed of two 
civilians and one military officer, who are ap¬ 
pointed by the President. This Board enjoys 
not only large administrative powers, but also 
makes ordinances relating to public -safety, 
health, and welfare. 

The judicial system of the District—which is, 
of course, only another name for the city of 
Washington—consists of a Court of Appeals, a 
regular trial court called the Supreme Court, and 


TERRITORIES AND DEPENDENCIES 43 

a police court for the trial of petty offenses and 
municipal regulations. Justices of the peace are 
provided for the trial of certain kinds of civil 
cases. All of these judicial officers are ap¬ 
pointees of the President. 



CHAPTER IV 


THE RIGHTS OF CITIZENSHIP 

From American liberty there springs two 
great rights. These are civil rights and political 
rights. Civil rights are those which a person en¬ 
joys as a private citizen, as an individual—such 
as free speech, free religion, free education; in 
fact, general freedom itself. Political rights are 
those which belong to a citizen regarded as a 
participator in the affairs of government—such 
as the privilege of voting, holding public office, 
etc.,—and may very properly be called the public 
rights of citizenship. 

As shown elsewhere, the Fourteenth Amend¬ 
ment of the Constitution declares that ^^all per¬ 
sons born or naturalized in the United States, and 
subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens 
of the United States and of the State wherein 
they reside.’’ Under this definition the follow¬ 
ing classes have been adjudged to be citizens of 
this country: 

(i) All persons born in the United States ex¬ 
cepting the children of diplomatic agents and of 
hostile aliens. 


44 


THE RIGHTS OF CITIZENSHIP 45 

(2) Children born in foreign countries whose 
parents at the time of their birth were citizens of 
the United States. 

(3) Women of foreign birth married to citi¬ 
zens of the United States. 

(4) Indians who pay taxes and no longer live 
in tribal relations. 

(5) Naturalized persons. 

The process of naturalization is as follows: 
At least two years before he can be admitted as a 
citizen the alien must appear before a State or a 
Federal court and take an oath that it is his in¬ 
tention to become a citizen of the United States. 
He must also ''renounce forever all allegiance 
and fidelity to any foreign prince or state, par¬ 
ticularly the one of which he may at the time be 
a citizen or a subject.’’ In addition, he must 
swear to support the Constitution of the United 
States. Not less than two years, nor more than 
seven years, after this declaration of his inten¬ 
tions, the alien may apply to a Federal or a State 
court for full admission as a citizen. If the judge 
of the court is satisfied that the alien is able to 
speak and read the English language, as well as 
write his own name, that he has resided in this 
country for five years, and that he is a person of 
good moral character, full citizenship will be 
conferred upon him. A person thus naturalized 
has the same rights as native born citizens ex- 


46 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

cept that it is impossible for them ever to be¬ 
come President or Vice-President of the United 
States, no matter how competent they may be 
for such high office. 

The children of naturalized parents automat¬ 
ically become citizens if they are under twenty- 
one years of age and are dwelling in the United 
States at the time of the naturalization of their 
parents. Alien Chinese and Japanese are barred 
from the privilege of citizenship. Persons pro¬ 
fessing the doctrines of anarchy, and openly op¬ 
posing all forms of organized government, are 
also refused the gift of naturalization. 

The rights of American citizenship flow from 
two sources—from the State and from the Na¬ 
tion. Because of the fact that each State deter¬ 
mines for itself, in a large measure, the charac¬ 
ter of the civil liberty that is to be enjoyed within 
its borders, you can readily see that the rights 
of an American citizen, where the Nation is 
not concerned, are not everywhere the same. As 
we travel through various States, our privileges 
are thus constantly changing complexion, nar¬ 
rowing and broadening, with the crossing of each 
border into another political domain. For when 
a citizen of one State enters another State he 
has the rights of the citizens of that State in 
which he finds himself, and those rights only. 

There are, however, certain civil rights which 


T«E RIGHTS OF CITIZENSHIP 47 

are enjoyed in every State in the Union, and 
which may be termed the civil rights of State 
citizenship. These are the rights guaranteed in 
the State constitutions. In the constitution of 
almost every State are clauses of this import: 

(1) That all men have the privilege of enjoy¬ 
ing and defending life and liberty; of acquiring, 
possessing, and protecting property and reputa¬ 
tion, and of pursuing their own happiness; 

(2) That men have a right to worship God 
according to the dictates of their own conscience, 
and that no preference by law should be given to 
any religion, and that no person should be dis¬ 
qualified for office on account of his religious 
belief; 

(3) That trial by jury is a right inviolate; 

(4) That the printing-press shall be free; that 
every citizen may freely print, write and speak 
on any subject, being responsible for the abuse 
of this privilege; 

(5) That people shall be secure in their per¬ 
sons, houses, papers, and possessions, against un¬ 
reasonable searches and seizure, and that no war¬ 
rant to search any place, or seize any person, shall 
issue without probable cause; 

(6) That in all criminal prosecutions the ac¬ 
cused has a right to be heard by himself and his 
counsel; to meet witnesses face to face; to com¬ 
pel witnesses in his favor to come to court and 


48 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

testify; to a speedy trial by an impartial jury; 

(7) That no person can be compelled to give 
evidence against himself, nor be d^eprived of his 
life, liberty or property, unless by the law of the 
land; 

(8) That no person, for the same offense, 
shall be put twice in jeopardy of life and limb; 

(9) That all courts shall be open, and that 
every man shall have justice without payment or 
delay; 

(10) That excessive bail shall not be de¬ 
manded, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel 
punishment meted out; 

(i) That all persons shall be offered bail, 
unless for capital offenses; 

(12) That the writ of habeas corpus shall not 
be suspended unless in time of rebellion or in¬ 
vasion. Whenever a man is placed in confine¬ 
ment against his will, and the fact is made known 
to a judge of a court, the judge, unless he knows 
the confinement is legal, is bound, upon applica¬ 
tion, to issue immediately a writ, termed habeas 
corpus, commanding the prisoner to be brought 
before him for examination. If there seems to 
be cause for the detention of the prisoner, he is 
sent back to prison to await a full trial; if there 
seems to be no cause, he is set free; 

(13) That there shall be no imprisonment for 
debt, unless in cases of fraud; 


lTHE rights of citizenship 49 

(14) That citizens have the right to assemble 
in a peaceable manner, and to apply to the rulers 
for a redress of grievances; 

(15) That the military shall at all times be 
kept in strict subordination to the civil power; 

(16) That no soldier in time of peace shall be 
quartered in any house without the consent of 
the owner. 

The First Section of the Fourteenth Amend¬ 
ment creates a distinct Federal citizenship, and 
provides that no State shall abridge the privi¬ 
leges of that citizenship. The question arises to 
our lips: What are the privileges which a citizen 
of the United States enjoys, and which no State 
can abridge? 

At the present time it is possible to enumerate 
the following as the rights of Federal citizenship 
—rights which spring from the Constitution, 
which belong to every citizen of the United 
States, and which cannot be denied by State au¬ 
thority : 

I. Process of Law. No person in the United 
States shall be deprived of life, liberty, or prop¬ 
erty, without due process of law. This right no 
State can abridge; nor can the Federal Govern¬ 
ment itself deny it. A person seeking justice, 
whether in civil or political cases, under his right 
of due process may demand (i) that there be a 
court of law for the trial in his case; (2) that 


50 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

the proceedings of the trial be regular; (3) that 
there be no unnecessary delay. Just what the 
regular course of procedure in a State court shall 
be is a matter for the State itself to determine; 
but after the State has once decided upon the 
course that justice shall take, after it has once 
established the processes of law, it cannot de¬ 
prive any person of the benefits that arise from 
those processes. 

II. Equal Protection of the Laws. Every per¬ 
son within the jurisdiction of any State, whether 
he be rich or poor, citizen or alien, is assured of 
the protection of the laws without any discrimi¬ 
nation or favor. 

III. Protection on the High Seas and in For¬ 
eign Countries. A citizen of the United States, 
in whatever part of the world he may be, is en¬ 
titled to protection against injustice or injury. 

IV. State Citizenship. Every citizen of the 
United States has a right to become a citizen of 
a State by a hona fide residence therein. And as 
a citizen of a State he has all the numerous rights 
appertaining to State citizenship. 

We may now take up the subject of political 
rights, as distinguished from civil rights. 

Political rights invest the citizen with the priv¬ 
ilege of sharing in the formation of government, 
permitting of the right of voting at elections, and 


THE RIGHTS OF CITIZENSHIP 51 

of holding public office. These rights are an out¬ 
growth of the struggle for civil rights. 

Authority for granting the suffrage, and de¬ 
fining the qualifications of voters, resides chiefly 
in the State, the only restriction being found in 
the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution. 
Herein it is declared that the right of citizens 
of the United States to vote ''shall not be abridged 
by any State on account of race, color, or previous 
condition of servitude.’’ As long as the State 
does not violate this amendment it is free to regu¬ 
late the suffrage in its own way. 

When we observe how widely the political con¬ 
ditions in one State differ from those in another, 
and consider how great is the opportunity al¬ 
lowed by the Constitution for a variety of regu¬ 
lations in reference to voting, we must be struck 
at the remarkable uniformity of the laws govern¬ 
ing suffrage throughout the Nation. This uni¬ 
formity is due partly to the democratic spirit of 
equality that exists everywhere, and partly to 
the provisions of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth 
Amendments. 

The age qualification for voting is twenty- 
one years in all States; in all of them, also, the 
previous residence provision of from six months 
to two years will be found. In thirty-eight 
States a voter must be a full-fledged citizen of the 


52 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

United States. In ten States aliens may vote. 
Only nine States demand an educational qualifi¬ 
cation. Every State excludes certain classes of 
persons from the ballot. Chief among these are 
lunatics, idiots, paupers, and convicts. 

The right of holding office is more indefinite 
than the right of suffrage. As a general rule, 
however, any one who may vote may hold office. 
Qualifications for the occupants of most offices 
are prescribed by law, and of course these must 
be met. When there are no special legal quali¬ 
fications attached to an office it may usually be 
held by any candidate who is lucky enough to get 
himself elected or appointed to it. Should a 
State official, who has taken the oath of allegi¬ 
ance, afterward join in rebellion against the 
United States, he will thereafter be debarred 
from holding office. 

Every American voter should regard himself 
as an officer of the Government—as a participa¬ 
tor in its formation, as a director of its functions. 
He is one of the members of the electorate, that 
vast governing body which consists of all the 
voters in the land, and which possesses supreme 
political powers, controlling every branch of Gov¬ 
ernment, Federal, State, and local. This elec¬ 
torate has in its keeping the welfare and the 
happiness of the American people. It is a great 
responsibility, one that can only be met by the 


THE RIGHTS OF CITIZENSHIP 53 

right kind of American citizens, men and women 
who are intelligent, fearless, and whose hearts 
throb for their country and the comfort of their 
fellow beings. 

In the polling-booth every voter is a potent of¬ 
ficer of the Government, charged by the best in 
himself and the best in his neighbors with cer¬ 
tain serious duties, the neglect of which cannot 
fail to bring disaster to all that Justice holds 
dear. What are these serious duties of the voter 
in a self-governed country? Using our own 
intelligence and conscience, surely there is not 
a single one of us but who, after a little delibera¬ 
tion on the subject, will conclude that every 
American endowed with the right of the ballot, 
should—" 

(1) Vote whenever it is his privilege. 

(2) Understand the questions upon which he 
votes. 

(3) Learn something about the character and 
fitness of all candidates, regardless of party to 
which they belong. 

(4) Vote only for honest. Godly men and 
women. 

(5) Support only measures for the greatest 
common good. 

(6) Spurn all bribes, direct or indirect; and 
offer none, as an act too debasing to be even en¬ 
tertained. 


54 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

(7) Place country above party. 

(8) Recognize the result of the election as the 
will of the people, and therefore as the law, re¬ 
gardless of personal opinion. 

(9) Continue to vote for a righteous cause as 
long as there is hope of victory. 

It will be seen that it takes a good deal to 
make the right kind of American citizen. In 
fact it takes far more than we have shown; it re¬ 
quires intelligence, education, honesty, Christian¬ 
ity, sacrifice, charity, unselfishness, cleanliness, 
health, love and loyalty. 

Can you measure up to these standards ? Can 
I? If so, and there are always a majority in the 
United States like uls, then our glorious and 
beautiful country is safe for all time. But only 
by constant vigilance will there be such a ma¬ 
jority; for evil influences, bitter and jealous, are 
ever at work to undermine the good. 


CHAPTER V 


YOUNG CITIZENS 

Years ago there was a boy who was knocked 
about so hard and so long, that he swore to him¬ 
self he would see, before he died, that some of 
the boys in this big world got a fairer deal than 
he. This boy’s name was, and still is, Jack Rob¬ 
bins. He has now grown to the age and size of 
a man, but the rest of him—every bit—is just all 
boy. 

Jack—everybody calls him even the 

smallest boys, and they do it so warm-like you 
cannot help noticing it—Jack was living, five or 
six years ago, over on the West Side of Chi¬ 
cago. He had mighty little money, but heaps 
and heaps of liking for boys, especially down- 
and-out boys. You couldn’t tell Jack Robbins 
there was any such thing as a really bad boy; if 
you did, he would just laugh at you, and that 
laugh would sort of have this essence in it for 
you: ‘Tut, tut! you don’t know boys; why, 
you’re actually talking silly.” 

And you would have to own up in your own 
55 


56 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

mind, if you knew Jack, that he ought to know 
boys, anyhow. Because Jack had lived all his 
years in the West Side, and where in the world 
are there more boys of all sorts than in that quar¬ 
ter of Chicago? Thick? Why, you can’t move 
edgeways without bumping against a couple, no 
matter at what hour of the day or night you 
travel! 

As time went on. Jack’s acquaintance with boys 
expanded; and his heart interest for them spread 
likewise, not one whit behind. So many of them 
came to him, chum-like, with their troubles, and 
he helped so many of these chaps out, that he be¬ 
gan to think of taking his spare pennies, and his 
spare time, and spare talents, to organize a sort 
of boys’ club. No sooner thought of than done! 
At first there were only half a dozen fellows— 
not that more would not have been wild to join, 
but you see Jack wished to go slow and make sure 
of his ground before getting in too deep. Some¬ 
times they would get together in a basement room 
which they rented two nights a week, and in be¬ 
tween they would often walk the crowded streets, 
keep their eyes peeled to what was going on, and 
talk about what a lot there is that boys could do if 
they would just get together and do it—^govern 
themselves, help govern the city they’re a part 
of, help their own State and their own Nation, 
and particularly make it their business to help 


YOUNG CITIZENS 


57 

other boys who needed a word of encouragement 
to keep straight. 

And so the Boys' Brotherhood Republic 
started—started with six youthful members, 
coming from homes where nearly as many differ¬ 
ent foreign tongues were spoken, boys mostly 
foreign-born themselves, boys who had learned to 
swear and smoke and steal when they were not 
much more than babies, boys whose flame of 
goodness had been ignited by the spark of Jack 
Robbins's own sacrificing love for them, boys 
who would now go through fire and water to 
carry on Jack's work of helping the other fel¬ 
low, provided Jack would guide them. 

I will not tell here the story of how this little 
Brotherhood grew from a mere sprout to a lusty 
tree whose influence has affected the social and 
political fabric of a whole Nation in less than 
a week of years. I will not tell all of this story, 
because it is a long one, filled with episode upon 
episode of combat against the stubborn preju¬ 
dices of a multitude of folk who think boys are 
''problems to be solved," and who stoutly opposed 
many good moves that Jack and his crowd tried 
to put through. But you cannot stifle a good 
thing, once it is well started. Thank goodness! 
the Boys' Brotherhood Republic had gotten a 
good start before much apathy was aroused 
against it. And how it did grow! More boys. 


58 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

and more boys, and more boys still, kept coming 
into the club. They outgrew their quarters again 
and again, since the walls would not bulge out¬ 
ward for them, each time they had to move. The 
fact is, they are still expanding, still moving, as 
I write this, and probably will continue to spread 
themselves outward till branches of them are 
found in all cities of the United States. 

The main purpose of the Brotherhood is to 
make better citizens. It doesn’t believe in let¬ 
ting Dads and Mothers do all the voting for the 
family, take sole part in council meetings, serve 
alone on committees, and the like, while young 
Bill stays at home to entertain the baby, or worry 
the house cat, or tease sister Susie. None of 
these. It believes, heart and soul, in giving young 
Bill himself all the prideful feelings of citizenship 
by taking him in and making a full-fledged junior 
citizen out of him; a citizen with the power to 
vote with others of his age for real good govern¬ 
ment, not make-believe affairs; a citizen with du¬ 
ties and responsiblitities placed upon him by his 
associates; a citizen, in fact, in every vital essen¬ 
tial to the well-being of a person, serving for the 
very joy of making better order and greater hap¬ 
piness in his little community. 

Of late years we have all heard much about 
Americanization—the making over of foreign- 
bred people in this country into loyal, intelligent, 


YOUNG CITIZENS 


59 

helpful American citizens. In this great work, 
how few grown-ups have stopped to think what 
a powerful agency we have in this wonderfully 
efficient organization of Jack Robbins’s! Broth¬ 
erhood boys, at twenty-one, will not step up to 
the big polls to cast their first vote with blank 
minds and uncertain step. Brotherhood boys will 
know all about the candidates for election, the 
issues at stake, the method of legally carrying 
out their privilege to vote. No politician can 
bamboozle them with weak arguments for his 
party, no corrupt worker can tempt them to sell 
their vote, no thought of personal gain at the ex¬ 
pense of community loss will ever be tolerated by 
them—for, as mere boys, these young men will 
have learned the tricks of politics and govern¬ 
ment; learned them in the right way, learned to 
detect and spurn the dross, to preserve the gold. 

All in all, every day that widens the history 
of the Boys’ Brotherhood Republic, widens the 
conviction that when Jack Robbins declared 
there was no such thing as a really bad boy he 
stated the bald truth. The marked success of 
this organization also goes to prove conclusively 
that Jack’s pet theory that every red-blooded boy 
wants to do the big good things which most men 
do in preference to the big bad things some few 
men do, is fundamentally correct. By providing 
for his boys these very big good things, this 


6o YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


young man has proven repeatedly, in specific 
cases, that the worst side ceases to exist from, 
sheer lack of nourishment. For example, I may 
state that in Jack's time he has scooped into his 
rescuing net two of the worst boy gangs, com¬ 
plete, that ever made life miserable for the police 
of a large city. Of one of these gangs, fifteen 
per cent were robbers, eighty per cent were pick¬ 
pockets, and fifty per cent carried “guns" at all 
times. Of the other gang, forty per cent were 
murderers, fifty per cent were automobile ban¬ 
dits, and twenty per cent were in jail when taken 
over under parole. To-day the record of both 
these gangs, according to their leaders, is ninety- 
eight per cent “decent." This is truly some¬ 
thing of a change! 

As a further illustration of the club's faith in 
boyhood, let me cite the following incident: 
A few years ago, when the World War was 
in progress, and everything generally seemed 
to be upset or ready to upset at a moment's no¬ 
tice, there was a lot of talk in the newspapers 
throughout the country of how very, very bad 
boys were getting to be. It was said that since 
their fathers and older brothers had gone away 
to fight, there was no one to control them prop¬ 
erly, and that they were just fairly twisting them¬ 
selves inside out to find some new bit of mis¬ 
chievousness or cussedness to perform. 


YOUNG CITIZENS 


6i 


Lots of people who read these articles nodded 
emphatically, and said, 'That's so, that's so; just 
right, just right! Boys surely are getting some¬ 
thing awful. Never saw 'em so bad!" 

What do you suppose the boys of the Brother¬ 
hood Republic said, when they also came across 
the newspaper items? Did they nod too? Did 
they agree with almost everybody else? Not 
much! Instead they held an emergency session, 
had the red-hottest hot discussion they ever had, 
and came out with this verdict, strong and ring¬ 
ing as Damascus steel: ‘'There are no had hoysT 

Of course what they said soon leaked out into 
newspaper channels. Chicago newspaper men 
knew these very boys had once been the toughest 
of kids, for they had often written up their 
dreadful deeds before Jack Robbins scooped them 
in, and they knew that if anybody knew what con¬ 
stituted a bad boy these same Brotherhood 
chaps certainly ought to. So out flew Chicago 
papers, all over the land, glad of the chance to 
say that Jack Robbins's boys had denied the 
stories of boys being worse, or even bad. And 
with this refutation was a challenge to every 
other city. It ran this way: "The Boys' Brother¬ 
hood Republic denies emphatically that there is 
such a thing as a bad boy in the country! The 
members declare that they can take the so-called 
'worst boy' that any community can produce. 


62 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


bring him to Chicago under their wing for six 
months, and send him home a boy for any place 
to be proud of/’ 

This challenge was taken up in a way to sur¬ 
prise Jack and his boys. For weeks afterward, 
every mail brought dozens of letters from little 
towns and big towns, nearby towns and faraway 
towns, telling of some record-breaking '‘bad boy” 
that each had whom it was anxious to ship to 
Chicago for being made over into good material. 
Telegrams also came in profusely. For a time 
it looked as if the boys of the Brotherhood would 
have to install a temporary sub-station for mail 
and telegrams, with considerable expert help, in 
order to handle all the correspondence. But by 
stacking letters and telegrams in compact piles 
in spare corners of their rooms, and calling in al¬ 
most all the members to help read and file them, 
they managed to wade through the labyrinth 
themselves. 

And in that reading they learned a lot they 
never knew before about what a hard proposition 
some boys are thrown up against. They began 
to see that lots of parents thought they had boys 
who were going to turn into Jesse Jameses, just 
because they liked to play with wooden guns they 
had whittled out; and some thought their sons 
were surely going to the dogs because they 
smoked dried leaf cigarettes on the sly, or said 


YOUNG CITIZENS 


63 

‘‘darn it’’ when things went wrong unexpectedly, 
like Dad, or came sneaking into the back door 
with damp hair after they had been told not to 
go swimming! The fact is there were letters 
about boys to whom everything had been done 
that the law allows, except hanging, and who 
seemed to be in for that as soon as they got a 
little older. 

One Brotherhood lad expressed the sentiment 
of all when he exclaimed, at the end of the big 
batch of reading, ^'Gee, kids, I wish we could take 
in all them poor guys an’ give ’em a little show. 
They ain’t got none where they live, that’s sure!” 

But the making over of all these candidates 
was too big an order to take on—then I So they 
sifted and sorted till they had a list of ‘Tad” 
boys in twenty-seven towns and cities; and then 
what do you suppose they did? 

Two of the Brotherhood boys set out to visit 
all these twenty-seven cities, and look into the 
“qualifications” of the candidates. From place 
to place they went, critically sizing up every bad 
boy who had been recommended to the club as 
the worst kid in the land. Finally they landed 
in Albany, New York, without having made any 
definite selection. It had been impossible so far 
to find a chap who seemed quite bad enough to 
suit them. 

When they called upon Governor Whitman, in 


64 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

Albany, they went briskly into the business in 
hand. ^‘YouVe got a sixteen-year-old boy in the 
death-house at Sing Sing waiting to be electro¬ 
cuted for murder,’’ they said. ‘‘We’ve come to 
talk to you about him,” 

The governor looked his amazement. He ran 
his eyes up and down the small forms of his vis¬ 
itors, and then blurted out: “H’m! this fellow 
is as good as dead already! He’s about the worst 
case of youthful depravity we ever ran across. 
What under the sun do you care about him ?” 

“We care just this much about him,” declared 
the Brotherhood boys, with impressive warmth: 
‘^Wherever a boy’s in trouble, we’re in trouble 
too.” Then they introduced themselves, and 
went on: “We’re not out looking for a kid who 
stays out nights because he ain’t got sense enough 
to go to a good home. We ain’t looking for a 
kid whose father’s afraid his boy won’t grow up 
good, or whose mother cries because he won’t tell 
her when he plays hookey from school. We’re 
looking for a kid that’s never been able to call 
any man father. We’re looking for a kid that’s 
never had any mother to care whether he went 
straight or crooked. We’re looking for a kid 
that stays out nights and sleeps in packing boxes 
and barrels and wagons, and such places, because 
he ain’t got no place else to sleep. We’re lookn 
ing for a kid that thinks everybody’s against him. 


YOUNG CITIZENS 65 

and that he’s got to steal if he wants to live. 
There’s lots of kids like that, and we know it, be¬ 
cause we’ve been that kind ourselves. But just 
now we want to make over a worse kid—a kid 
that’s done something simply awful, maybe killed 
somebody. Now, if this guy you’ve got in Sing 
Sing is really that sort, please tell us all about 
him, if you will.” 

And the governor did. He didn’t know every¬ 
thing bad there was to tell about this sixteen- 
year-old lad condemned to die in the electric 
chair, but he told enough to satisfy the small 
Brotherhood committee that this was undoubt¬ 
edly the very toughest boy in the whole country, 
and the lad they wanted. They were permitted 
to talk with the prisoner, which clinched this be¬ 
lief. Then they had another long talk with the 
governor, and the upshot of the matter was that 
he granted a commutation to Tom Kellerman (by 
which name I shall shield his real identity), and 
it was arranged that Tom should join the Boys’ 
Brotherhood Republic, in Chicago, a little later. 

And did this unhappy, wretched youth, this 
top-notcher of the down-and-outers, who had 
robbed a living human creature of the precious 
spark of life, ever reach his destination? He did. 
And what did the Brotherhood boys do for him? 
Did they prove that the very worst boy in the 
country could be saved by giving him a decent 


66 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

chance? They did. They shook his cold hand 
till it warmed and sent strange heat thrills to his 
heart, they jerked his jaded rags from his back 
and clothed him in-clean duds; they talked to 
him joyously about his bright prospects for the 
future, quite forgetting to say a word about his 
dark life behind; they refused to let reporters 
interview him, or photographers to snap pictures 
of him; they boarded him in a decent family near 
the clubhouse; they found him a good job; they 
let him slide in with a lot of dandy fellows of his 
age who were interested in clean sports and good 
citizenship. 

And he made good, just as they said he would! 
To-day that boy with the black past is a splendid, 
manly chap, holding down a good position, re¬ 
spected by all who know him; and nobody in the 
Brotherhood is more anxious to give other fel¬ 
lows a chance to redeem themselves than he. 

Now let me tell you how these boys carry on 
their self-government. 

A boy who wishes to become a citizen of the 
Republic, makes application to the citizenship 
committee. The committee questions him very 
closely, thus getting an idea as to what sort of 
opinions he holds about the welfare of people in 
general. If they are satisfied that he is not hope¬ 
lessly selfish, and that he has in him the making 
of a good citizen, one who will do his best for 


YOUNG CITIZENS 67 

the common good, they admit him—if there is 
room—and give him that prized and sacred thing 
of all real good citizens, a vote. 

The Brotherhood works under the regular sys¬ 
tem of big politics as closely as it can. Each 
city which has an organization has as its head a 
Mayor, elected by vote of the young members 
themselves. The Mayor appoints his own cabinet 
of assistants, from among the members, each of 
whom has charge of his own department, and 
who is responsible for good service to the Mayor. 
If the latter proves incompetent or untrust¬ 
worthy, the boy citizens, or voters, may impeach 
him and ballot for his successor. 

Elections are conducted on much the same plan 
as those of the adults in the city of Chicago. Boy 
citizens have to register; but they are not given 
a card permitting them to vote unless their taxes 
—regular dues for meeting general expenses— 
are clear and paid up. Sometimes the candidates 
for office, not content with plugging hard them¬ 
selves to win the coveted berth in the little ‘Uity 
Hall,’’ engage a campaign manager. The latter 
then begins to advertise the good points of his 
candidate in every conceivable way; he posts 
bulletins all about the stamping-grounds of the 
fellows, he '^stumps” fiercely for his man, he 
ofifers to meet any rival in a fair-and-square de¬ 
bate. ‘We fight fair, win or lose,” is one of their 


68 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


most cherished mottoes. They made the senti¬ 
ment, they printed the card, they hung it them¬ 
selves in the little ‘‘City Hall.’’ 

Each Boy City has its mayor, city clerk, city 
treasurer, city judge, prosecuting attorney, chief 
of police, policemen, board of education, board 
of health, employment bureau, citizenship com¬ 
mittee, investigating committee, institutional 
committee, athletic committee, and so on. 

One of the most important committees is the 
institutional committee. To this body are re¬ 
ported the names, the addresses, and the records, 
of all boys about to be released from city correc¬ 
tional institutions, such as the Juvenile Home, 
Boys’ Refuge, Juvenile Court, etc. Members of 
this committee make it their business to visit un¬ 
fortunate boys immediately upon their release, 
and by brotherly persuasion try to get them, to 
visit the club’s headquarters, join the organiza¬ 
tion, and turn over a new leaf. It is under the 
greatest privations and hardships, too, that these 
young citizens often make these calls upon those 
in detention. Usually they have been working 
all day, and most of them also have some kind 
of night study to perform before they can roll 
their tired young bodies into bed; but in spite 
of all this they take miles-long hikes and car rides 
in order to locate and talk with these jail boys 


YOUNG CITIZENS 69 

who are to be let out into a cold-looking world 
again. Not satisfied with the conference with 
the youthful criminal, they visit his home, if he 
has one, and try to find out if his parents or 
guardians are the proper sort to be entrusted 
once more with the job of guiding him aright. 
One way and another they keep after that bad 
boy till they get him, or see him, started right. 
He can’t dodge them,; they are harder to dodge 
than the cops. 

The employment office of the B. B. R. operates 
on a plan worked out by the boys themselves, 
representing their ideal of service in such things. 
When an employer wants a boy who is used to 
hard knocks, and one he can thoroughly trust, 
he gets into communication with the Brother¬ 
hood bureau. But he doesn’t get a boy just be¬ 
cause he asks for him, and offers him alluring 
pay. Not much! There are two sides to a mat¬ 
ter of this kind. So before the boy calls around 
for the job, the investigating committee of the 
B. B. R. looks into the character of the would-be 
employer. If he isn’t a good Christian man, with 
a reputation for honest dealing and kind treat¬ 
ment of his help, he has to go elsewhere than 
the B. B. R. for assistance. All these details 
about employers asking for help, the boys write 
out on big blackboards covering the office walls, 


70 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

where all boys who come in can readily see them. 

When the job is filled, the clerks in the em¬ 
ployment office erase it from the board, substitut¬ 
ing another, as there are usually more positions 
waiting than lads to fill them. 

Every day is job-day for the Brotherhood boys. 
But once a year they advertise their services by 
a special “Boys’ Job Day.” The mayor of Chi¬ 
cago publicly proclaims this, and all the news¬ 
papers refer to it in editorials and news articles 
till you would naturally think that the business of 
getting jobs for kids was about one of the most 
important in that great city’s many duties. “Boys’ 
Job Day” comes early in April of each year, and 
from the rise of sun that day till its glorious set, 
from eight hundred to a thousand jobless boys 
are harnessed up with that old steady-going mare 
called Work. 

Most employers who know anything about the 
B. B. R. would rather have a boy’s citizenship 
card than any other recommendation he could 
bring. Men who know what these boys stand 
for will hire one of them and send him out col¬ 
lecting money, taking that card for a bond. 

The greatness of the B. B. R. is that through 
it hundreds of boys are developing themselves 
for life in the struggling human mass; learning 
to climb and to yield, to govern and to be gov¬ 
erned, to find themselves through seeking others, 


YOUNG CITIZENS 


71 

and to do a great many other things which go to 
make up life in all its fullness to-day. 

They make their own rules, and they enforce 
them. They study the laws of the city, their 
State, and their country. And they uphold them. 
If they think those laws should be better, they do 
not whine about it, but straightway they go to 
work to use their influence to have them im¬ 
proved. But in everything it is their own un¬ 
derstanding on which they act; the will of their 
own majority moves them. 

You would be delighted to attend one of their 
council meetings, I am sure. Lively? That’s a 
mild word to express what you would see at 
times! But bear this in mind: As full of vim 
and enthusiasm and surplus steam as these meet¬ 
ings are, the boys’ parliamentary rule is one of the 
best man could find in a long search among 
grown-ups’ meetings. They never become chaotic, 
rude, or ungentlemanly; they never get out of 
order, because if they did they know they would 
be promptly brought back again; if the chair¬ 
man’s ruling doesn’t settle them, the chief of 
police does. 

So rapid has been the growth of the Brother¬ 
hood Republic in Chicago that several city halls 
have had to be established for the use of the mem¬ 
bers in carrying on their administrative work. 
Soon after the Northwest City Hall was founded. 


72 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

a new citizen therein was indiscreet enough to 
lend his citizenship card to a young friend who 
did not have one, and who used the card to gain 
entrance to the game room, the gymnasium, and 
other advantages which he greatly coveted. The 
result was that the erring citizen was speedily 
arrested by the chief of police, and arraigned 
for trial on the charge of misuse of his citizen¬ 
ship privileges. Very meekly he pleaded that he 
did not know it was any harm to lend his card. 

citizen,” he was reminded by the boy judge, 
''has got to know what he can do and what he 
can’t do. That’s a part of his job of being a 
citizen.” 

During the course of the trial one little juror 
went to sleep. At five minutes before midnight, 
when the evidence was all in and the counsel had 
finished their speeches, the little juror suddenly 
awoke and voted "Guilty.” The sentence was six 
months’ loss of citizenship privileges. 

This verdict seemed pretty tough to the de¬ 
fendant, so much so that at the next meeing of 
the council his lawyer appealed for a new trial. 
This brought about a good deal of debate in re¬ 
gard to his case, during which considerable scorn 
was manifested for "a guy that ain’t got no bet¬ 
ter sense than to think citizenship is a fit thing 
to lend or play with. What if Bill (the juror) 
did go to snoozin’ ? That don’t give Dan’s lawyer 


YOUNG CITIZENS 


73 


any right to ask for a new trial. Why, it was 
that lawyer’s business to keep them jurors 
awake r 

You might not believe it, but fifty-one mem¬ 
bers of the B. B. R. served their country in the 
late war. Of these two never came back; they 
had given up the most precious thing any person 
can give up for the sake of others—their lives. 
Every blessed boy of them did not wait to be 
drafted. One and all, they were volunteers! 

One of the boys who paid the supreme sacrifice 
fell at Chateau-Thierry. And it was the little 
Juniors at the Main City Hall—the boys from, 
twelve to fourteen, about eighty of whom were 
training themselves for B. B. R. citizenship at 
fourteen—who bought the gold star for that lad 
who lies beside the Marne, and presented it to 
the City Hall. The speech of the president of 
the Juniors was one of the most moving you could 
have heard in all that war. The killed boy had 
been a nameless waif, and when he had applied 
for citizenship in the B. B. R., had filled out a 
blank, one question of which was ‘Why do you 
want to join the Boys’ Brotherhood Republic?” 
In looking up the hero’s record, the day before 
the memorial service, a member of the City Coun¬ 
cil had secured this questionnaire. As he now 
held the crumpled paper aloft where all could 
see it, tears came into the eyes of many a chap. 


74 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

tears of which they need not have felt ashamed, 
and were not ashamed. 

''Listen, feller citizens,’' said the young coun¬ 
cilman in a reverent, low voice, with a suspicious 
quaver in it. "Here’s his application—the one 
he signed when he first come here with us. An’ 
here’s a question, just like you’ve all seen on your 
own papers. It says, 'Why do you want to join 
the B. B. R. ?’ An’ right here after it he jest 
writes four simple words—'to get a chance!’ ” 
The speaker choked, then went bravely and 
huskily on: "Well, he got it, didn’t he? We 
didn’t give him half so much a chance here as 
the Lord did over there in France; but, anyway, 
kids, we like to think we helped Bennie to see it 
when it came.” 

Governor Lowden, of Illinois, in a letter to 
these boys, declares that he considers their work 
a most important demonstration in democracy. 
It is! Could there be a B. B. R. organization in 
every town where boys are growing up, life would 
be a lot easier for the older citizens and lots more 
interesting and satisfying for the younger ones. 



REPUBLICAN POLITICAL CONVENTION, CHICAGO, 1920 













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CHAPTER VI 


POLITICAL PARTIES AND THEIR PLATFORMS 

In any walk of life differences of opinion will 
arise in regard to a common subject. John has 
a suit of clothes which he thinks is of a most 
exquisite texture and pattern. His brother 
Henry, or sister Mary, think he would look bet¬ 
ter in something else. Again, Frank has a great 
fondness for Latin, caring very little about 
mathematics, while Bob dotes on problems in 
numbers, and cannot for the life of him see why 
such a nonsensical gibberish as Latin should be 
studied nowadays. 

Just so are there differences of opinion am'ong 
men and women voters on the National issues 
that come up from time to time, and some of 
which have always been up. These dissimilar 
viewpoints have caused the formation of a num¬ 
ber of political parties in the United States, as 
they have done in other countries. 

Of the parties now in existence, the Demo¬ 
cratic is the oldest, dating back to the time of 
Thomas Jefferson, when it was known as the 
Democratic-Republican party. In 1824 there 
75 


76 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

ensued a split, which resulted a few years later 
in the organization of the present Democratic 
party. 

The Republican party was born in the year 
1854, as a direct result of the passage of the 
Kansas-Nebraska bill, making slavery possible 
in the North. 

Still a third party—the Socialist-Labor party 
—came into being in 1890, accompanied the same 
year by an off-shoot of slightly different views 
calling themselves the Socialist party. 

In much the same manner, in 1912, a faction 
of the Republican party became discontented, and 
withdrew, arraying themselves under the term of 
Progressive party. 

Each political organization holds National and 
State conventions at election time, at which it 
nominates its candidates for office and also adopts 
a platform declaring its principles. Before 
affiliating with a party, the citizen should not only 
study carefully the principles outlined in the plat¬ 
forms, but should note whether the parties, 
through their elected candidates of the past, have 
been in the habit of practicing that which they 
preached. 

Sometimes a party grows careless about carry¬ 
ing out all its promises, once its men are in office. 
This fact should be duly registered against the 
party, or office-holder, whichever seems most 


POLITICAL PARTIES 


77 


guilty, and the complaint made telling the next 
time the voter goes to the polls, even if it be his 
own party to suffer, or his own brother. Only 
in this manner can we maintain clean politics, 
clean administration, and a clean record in the 
eyes of the world at large. 

At their 1916 conventions, both the Republican 
and Democratic parties—the largest of all the 
parties—openly declared for the protection of the 
American citizen, and for the enforcement of 
the Monroe doctrine, although they differed as 
to the methods by which these ends might be at¬ 
tained. Both platforms approved friendly inter¬ 
relations of Pan-American countries, the con¬ 
servation of natural resources, provision for Na¬ 
tional defense, economy in Government through 
the budget system, upheld the Civil Service regu¬ 
lations, and favored the extension of suffrage to 
women. 

Democratic Platform, The Democratic party 
reaffirmed its belief in tariff for revenue, and en¬ 
dorsed the Underwood bill as exemplifying that 
measure. It endorsed the pending shipping bill. 
It commended the current administration (Demo¬ 
cratic) for its legislation on behalf of the farmer, 
and its thus-far conduct of the war against the 
Central Powers. Furthermore, it stated that the 
Federal Government should put into effect these 
‘'principles of just employment,’' and should urge 


78 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

them in the State legislatures: living wage 

for all employees; a working day not to exceed 
eight hours, with one day of rest in seven; the 
adoption of safety appliances, and the establish¬ 
ment of thoroughly sanitary conditions of labor; 
adequate compensation for industrial accidents; 
the standards of the 'Uniform Child Labor Law’ 
wherever minors are employed; such provisions 
for decency, comfort, and health, in the employ¬ 
ment of women as should be accorded the mothers 
of the race; an equitable retirement law provid¬ 
ing for the retirement of superannuated and dis¬ 
abled employees of the Civil Service, to the end 
that a higher standard of efficiency may be main¬ 
tained.” 

In addition, it favored an early enactment of a 
Federal Child Labor law, the regulation of the 
shipment of prison-made goods in inter-State 
commerce, the creation of a Federal Bureau of 
Safety in the Department of Labor, the exten¬ 
sion of the powers and functions of the Federal 
Bureau of Mines, the development upon a sys¬ 
tematic scale of the means already begun under 
the present administration to assist laborers 
throughout the Union to seek and obtain employ¬ 
ment, public health, the establishment by the 
Federal Government of sanitariums for needy 
tubercular patients, and the alteration of the 


POLITICAL PARTIES 79 

Senate rules to secure prompt transaction of busi¬ 
ness. 

The following principles of prison reform were 
urged: Training in remunerative occupations; 
the setting apart of the net wages of the prisoner 
for his dependent family, or to be paid to him 
upon his release in case he had no family; and 
the liberal extension of the principles of the Fed¬ 
eral Parole Law, with the adoption of the proba¬ 
tion system. 

Generous pensions for soldiers and their 
widows were advocated. The development of 
harbors and waterways was favored, and the 
control of the Mississippi River floods was stated 
as a National problem to be handled by Congress. 
Self-government for the Philippine Islands was 
recommended, while pledges were made for the 
development of Alaskan resources, and the grant¬ 
ing of the United States traditional territorial 
type of government to Alaska, Hawaii, and Porto 
Rico. 

Republican Platform. The Republican party 
made bold to condemn the Democratic policy of 
granting self-government to the Philippines im¬ 
mediately, reaffirming its past policy of govern¬ 
ment by the United States, with constantly in¬ 
creasing participation by the Filipinos in such 
government until such time as they proved more 


8 o YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


conclusively their abilty to administer to them¬ 
selves. It repeated its belief in the absolute right 
of expatriation, and pledged itself to maintain¬ 
ing the right of asylum. 

Once more it gave approval to its advocacy of 
a protective tariff, and condemned the Under¬ 
wood tariff bill. Belief was expressed in ^Tigid 
supervision and strict regulation of transporta¬ 
tion and great corporations of the country,” de¬ 
claring that ‘'all who violate the lav/s in regula¬ 
tion of business should be individually punished.” 
The Democratic policy in this case was censured, 
with the observation that it would “involve the 
Government in a business which should be left 
within the sphere of private enterprise, and in 
direct competition with its own citizens.” 

Pledges were made for legislation beneficial 
to rural credits and the extension of the Rural 
Free Delivery, while at the same time the Demo¬ 
crats were blamed for not making good their 
promises along the same lines. It disapproved 
the Government ownership of vessels proposed 
by the Democratic party, and instead favored 
liberal payments to ships in the foreign trade for 
services in carrying the mails, also advocating 
the passage of other legislation helpful to the 
merchant marine. All transportation, it said, 
should be under Federal control. 

The party declared for the faithful enforce- 


POLITICAL PARTIES 


8i 


ment of all Federal laws passed for the protec¬ 
tion of labor, advocated for vocational education, 
the enactment of laws for Federal child labor, a 
generous and comprehensive workman's compen¬ 
sation law, and accident compensation law cov¬ 
ering all Government employees, and much legis¬ 
lation for public safety. 

Socialist Platform. The Socialist party, 
claiming to be the 'Apolitical expression of the 
economic interests of the working class," called 
upon all voters under that head to make a "de¬ 
termined stand on the question of militarism and 
war, and to recognize the opportunity which the 
World War has given you of forcing disarma¬ 
ment and furthering the cause of industrial free¬ 
dom." It went on to state, "Socialism admits the 
private ownership and individual direction of all 
things, tools, economic processes, and functions 
which are individualistic in character, and re¬ 
quires the collective ownership and democratic 
control and direction of those which are social or 
collectivistic in character." 

As peace measures, the platform advocated 
that all laws and appropriations for the increase 
of the military and naval forces of the United 
States should be immediately repealed; that the 
power to fix foreign policies, and conduct diplo¬ 
matic negotiations, be lodged in Congress, exer¬ 
cised publicly; and that the people be free by 


82 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


referendum at any time, to order Congress to 
change its policy; that no future war be declared 
or waged by the United States without a refer¬ 
endum vote of the entire populace, except for the 
purpose of repelling invasion. The Monroe doc¬ 
trine met with strong disapproval, pledge being 
made for its abandonment. Immediate self-gov¬ 
ernment for the Philippine Islands was advo¬ 
cated. Plans were suggested for having the 
Government call a congress of all neutral nations, 
to mediate for lasting peace; and it was stated 
there should be an International Congress gifted 
with powers to adjust disputes between nations, 
and to guarantee equal rights to all. 

Many other political issues were promised cor¬ 
rect handling, by the Socialist platform should 
the party get in political control. Among these 
were: Equal suffrage for men and women, the 
adoption of the Susan B. Anthony suffrage 
amendment; the initiative, referendum and recall 
for all public office holders. National and local; 
abolition of the Senate and veto power of the 
President, the election of the President and Vice- 
President by direct vote of the people, provision 
for the amendment of the National Constitution 
by a majority of the voters, a convention to revise 
the National Constitution; abolition of the power 
of the Supreme Court to pass upon the constitu¬ 
tionality of legislation enacted by Congress, the 


POLITICAL PARTIES 83 

only repeal for such legislation to be by Congress 
itself, or by referendum vote of the whole people; 
abrogation of the power of the courts to issue 
injunctions, and the election of all judges to 
United States courts for shorter terms. 

Demands were also made for the free adminis¬ 
tration of the law, for suffrage for the District 
of Columbia, for a democratic form of municipal 
government for purely local affairs, for the ex¬ 
tension of democratic government to all United 
States territory, for full freedom of the press, 
unrestricted speech and assemblage; for increase 
of income and corporation taxes, and the exten¬ 
sion of the inheritance tax; for general educa¬ 
tional measures, for the abolition of monopolistic 
ownership of patents, in favor of collective own¬ 
ership, with direct royalty rewards to inventors. 

In the way of industrial pledges, the promises 
were: A shortened workday, freedom of econ¬ 
omic and political organization, a rest period of 
not less than a day and one-half in each week, 
more effective inspection in workshops, factories, 
and mines, prohibition of employment for those 
under eighteen years of age, inter-State transpor¬ 
tation of child labor products and the products of 
uninspected factories and mines to be annuled, 
minimum wage scales, old age pensions. State in¬ 
surance against unemployment and sickness; 
compulsory insurance of workers by employers. 


84 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

at the latter’s expense; benefits to be paid in the 
event of contracting industrial disease, enduring 
accidents or death while at work; mothers’ pen¬ 
sions, etc., etc. 

Prohibition Platform, This party’s platform 
declared mainly for National and State legisla¬ 
tion to stop the liquor traffic, of which it has long 
been the mortal enemy. Suffrage for women was 
strongly endorsed, also a World Court for Peace 
in time of dispute between nations, the abolition 
of militarism, and the employment of the army 
in normal times in reclamation work. It went on 
record in reaffirming its faith in the Monroe doc¬ 
trine, recommended that the Philippines be gov¬ 
erned by the United States with increasing local 
privileges to the natives, and urged reciprocal 
trade treaties, and a committee to investigate the 
tariff laws. Recommendations were made for 
merchant marine legislation, likewise legislation 
for labor. Civil Service regulations were prom¬ 
ised, also public grain elevators operated by the 
Government, with Federal grain inspection 
throughout the country under a Civil Service plan 
of appointments. The abolition of any institu¬ 
tion speculating or gambling in grain, was 
thought wise. Ready endorsement was offered to 
Government warehouses for cotton, while ap¬ 
proval was given also to public ownership of 
utilities and the development of free institutions 


POLITICAL PARTIES 85 

such as hospitals, clinics, etc. Conservation of 
natural resources, the early establishment of a 
Federal budget to meet the expenses of govern¬ 
ment, the right of the President to veto any single 
item in an appropriation bill, uniform, marriage 
and divorce laws, a single Presidential term of 
six years, and the initiative, referendum and re¬ 
call, were likewise approved. 


CHAPTER VII 


POLITICAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 

You would have to search through a good 
many townships, villages, election districts, and 
city wards, before you would find one in which 
each of the three or four great political parties 
did not have established its permanent local com¬ 
mittee of management. Likewise you would find, 
at almost any time, such permanent committees 
for the county, city, and State. 

It is these permanent committees which per¬ 
form the vast part of the work in politics. Aside 
from the actual procedure of voting itself, it may 
be said, in fact, that they do all of the work. 
Among their duties they must— 

Keep in close touch with voters of their own 
party, taking care that their spirit does not lag, 
nor their views change. 

Keep pegging away by argument to win over 
new converts from the ranks of other parties. 

Keep an eye on those who are too indififerent 
to vote, and try to persuade them to get out and 
do their citizenship duty in this respect. 

86 


POLITICAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 87 

Provide vehicles for taking the ill and infirm 
voters to and from the voting precincts. 

Organize political clubs to spread propaganda. 

Arrange for political mass meetings and pro¬ 
cessions. 

Solicit funds among their well-to-do constitu¬ 
ents with which to conduct campaigns in the way 
of advertising cards, bills, newspaper articles, 
etc. 

Issue calls for the nominating conventions of 
their party. 

In many other ways, also, these permanent 
party committees promote and defend the inter¬ 
ests of their party, through good and ill report, 
after success as well as after defeat. The chief 
office of their performance, however, may be said 
to be that of keeping the nominating machinery 
of their party well oiled and ready for fast speed 
when the crucial moment shall arrive. 

The nomination of candidates is accomplished 
in two ways. One method is for the members of 
a certain party to vote direct for the candidates 
they would prefer to have make a run for elec¬ 
tion. The other method is indirect, and accom¬ 
plished by the action of committees at party con¬ 
ventions. 

Under the first-named plan, a primary meet¬ 
ing is arranged for by the leading politicians of 
the district, or in other words, at a decision of the 


88 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


party organization of that locality. In this way 
the Democrats may call a primary for one day, 
and the Republicans of the same locality one for 
another day. To this meeting all voters of the 
party who reside in the district are invited to 
come and cast a ballot for the men of their side 
whom they would like to have in public office. 

Days before the voters appear to make their 
choice, local newspapers and other advertising 
mediums have been filled with references to likely 
candidates for all existing parties, such articles 
having of course largely originated in the offices 
of the respective local political committees and 
clubs, which, as a matter of fact, are but carry¬ 
ing out their end of the game in suggesting candi¬ 
dates they know to be good timber. In this man¬ 
ner, practically every voter going to the primary 
meeting has already made up his mind as to just 
which candidate of a very limited number talked 
about he will cast his ballot for; and but for this 
scheme, voters would go to the polls uninformed 
and guessing, and make selection perhaps from 
among a large group, many of whom would not 
care to accept office. Needless to say, too, such 
haphazard choice would greatly increase the 
clerical work of counting and properly classify¬ 
ing ballots, result in frequent ties, render belated 
reports, and cause much dissatisfaction in gen¬ 
eral, to candidate, voter, and official. 


POLITICAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 89 

So this primary election is managed in exactly 
the same manner as a general election, except 
that the contest for honors is all among candi¬ 
dates of one party, and that the voters are also of 
one party, but of different mind in the way of 
individual selection. The candidate with the ma¬ 
jority of votes is declared nominated by the local 
party committee, whereupon his name is posted 
on the party ticket as the regular nominee for 
the office to be filled. And when regular elec¬ 
tion day comes around, he is then pitted against 
the regular nominees of the contemporary parties 
for this office, and wins or loses, according to 
whether his supporters are more numerous than 
the rival supporters, or of smaller showing. 

The direct method of nominating candidates 
has been adopted by a majority of the States in 
at least portions of them, and in many it extends 
to the nomination of all candidates, from the 
most humble to the most exalted. 

In some States candidates for the higher 
offices are nominated by the conventions, which 
are composed of party representatives or dele¬ 
gates. Under this system, a candidate for sheriff, 
for example, is nominated at a county conven¬ 
tion composed of delegates chosen at primary 
meetings which have been held throughout the 
county. After the same manner, when a candi¬ 
date for a State office is to be nominated—we will 


90 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

say, for convenience, a governor—the county (or 
city) conventions throughout the State send dele¬ 
gates to a State convention. Here a vote is taken 
among the delegates, and the nomination for gov¬ 
ernor is made from the count of their ballots. 

Party organization in the United States was 
built up in the beginning as a means for finding 
a way for nominating a candidate for the Presi¬ 
dency. Since that early day it has fastened itself 
strongly to the fabric of local and State politics 
as well, but even so, the Presidential nomination 
is still the central object of party activity. Be¬ 
cause this is so, party organization may be best 
understood by following the workings of a party 
in a presidential year. 

In the States which have adopted the plan of 
direct nomination, each of the great parties, by 
a direct vote of its members, elects delegates to 
the National Convention. The latter nominates 
the candidates for President and Vice-President. 
In a few States, in the primaries at which these 
delegates are chosen, the voters are given an op¬ 
portunity to express their preference in respect 
to presidential candidates. 

We will now describe the meetings and con¬ 
ventions in States where the convention system is 
in operation. 

I. The Primary or Caucus. In the spring of 
a presidential year, the permanent local commit- 


POLITICAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 91 

tees of the lowest grade receive an order which 
has come down to them through the State com¬ 
mittee from the National Committee, to call upon 
the voters of the party within the local precinct 
to take action in a primary meeting, or caucus, 
upon matters relating to the nomination of a can¬ 
didate for President. At this primary delegates 
to a county (or city) convention are elected. 

For many years the primary meeting, like the 
entire party organization, was a voluntary insti¬ 
tution. It was controlled by rules made by party 
managers, and whether it was conducted honestly 
or dishonestly was not an affair of Government 
concern. If at the primary election there was 
cheating, or irregularities of other kinds, no one 
could be punished. But this sad state of affairs 
has happily changed. In most of the States the 
primaries of recent years have been placed under 
the control of the law, and have been conducted 
as regularly and as squarely as other elections. 

II. The County {or City) Convention. The 
delegates chosen at the local primary are some¬ 
times instructed to act in the interests of a cer¬ 
tain man as the party candidate for President, 
and sometimes they are left free to act as their 
own judgments may dictate. Shortly after the 
primary election they assemble—usually at the 
county-seat—as the county convention of the 
party which they represent. This body, which 


92 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

may consist of fifty or sixty men, elects perhaps 
a half-dozen men as delegates to represent the 
party in a State convention. If the county con¬ 
vention favors a certain candidate for President, 
it may instruct these delegates to stand for him 
in the State convention. 

III. The State Convention. A few weeks after 
the county convention, seldom longer, delegates 
from all the counties (and cities^) assemble at 
some convenient place which has been selected 
as the headquarters for the State convention of 
the party. This body, consisting sometimes of 
several hundred men, passes resolutions express¬ 
ing the political views of the party in the State, 
names its choice for presidential candidate, and 
elects delegates to a National Convention, the 
number of delegates thereto allotted to each 
State being twice the number of its representa¬ 
tives in both Houses of Congress.^ Sometimes 
it also selects candidates for presidential electors. 

‘In a city each ward, at a primary meeting, despatches dele¬ 
gates to a city convention, and this body elects delegates to the 
State convention to meet with the delegates from the counties. 
In some States the delegates elected at the city primaries go 
dirctly to the State convention, or to a congressional district 
convention. 

‘In most of the States, the State convention elects only four 
delegates—called delegates-at-large—to the National Convention, 
the other delegates being elected at congressional district con¬ 
ventions, two delegates being chosen from each district. Where 
this is in vogue, the district convention selects a candidate for 
presidential elector. 


POLITICAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 93 

Although the men in this class are several de¬ 
grees removed from the voting mass, if the senti¬ 
ment at the primaries is pronounced and definite, 
it will find expression in the State convention. 
If, on the other hand, the voters at the primaries 
give no direct indication of their will, the dele¬ 
gates in the higher conventions must act accord¬ 
ing to their judgment. 

IV. The National Convention. After the State 
conventions have been held, along in June or July, 
the delegates from the various States and Terri¬ 
tories assemble as the great National Convention. 
This body often consists of a thousand men or 
more. It meets in some city conveniently situ¬ 
ated for the majority. After several days of dis¬ 
cussion, it gives public expression of the views 
of the party upon vital questions of the hour, 
termed a platform, and chooses candidates for 
President and Vice-President of the LFnited 
States. 

After all the political parties have named their 
candidates in some one of the fashions we have 
named, the gigantic struggle to elect them be¬ 
gins. Political meetings are held all over the 
land by clubs and committees; and political rallies, 
to stir up the voters in general, are also inaugu¬ 
rated wherever there is a chance to accomplish 
anything in the way of adding to the vote. Usu¬ 
ally the ablest speakers of the party take a lead- 


94 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

ing part at these rallies, and do all they can to ex¬ 
plain and defend the platform and the past serv¬ 
ice of various office-holders belonging to their 
class. 

With all its faults, which sometimes become 
quite glaring owing to the abuse of privileges by 
scheming and unscrupulous candidates and cam¬ 
paign managers, the camapign in general is a 
most wholesome element in our public life. It is 
the lesson-time of democracy. Through it the 
attention of everybody is strongly attracted to 
public affairs; even children feel a thrill when a 
political procession passes by, with marchers 
shouting themselves hoarse in approval of their 
candidates, or when they hear big brother or 
father or Uncle Dick warmly expounding the 
virtues of the office-seekers on their ticket with 
the neighbor-man next door. All in all, civic 
spirit is awakened to the uttermost corners of 
the country, partisan feeling runs high; but in 
recent years patriotic sentiment has begun to get 
the upper hand of the partisan, and every elec¬ 
tion finds political education spreading, and with 
it voters are standing more and more by the man 
himself than by the party he represents. 

Surely this is the true American principle. It 
is the smothering of caste in favor of worth. 
It is seeing and appreciating the character of a 
politician insteaff of the dyed-in-the-wool ere- 


POLITICAL PARTY ORGANIZATION 95 

dentials of his party. It is forgetting what party 
our father or grandfather always stood with, 
and what party we perhaps have stood with in the 
past, and voting for good men regardless of the 
party with which they are affiliated. It is, in 
fact, the right step to purge out of politics the 
insincere and untrustworthy, and fill all our pub¬ 
lic offices with clean, vigorous, loyal, efficient 
servants and representatives. 

The campaign continues, gradually gaining in 
strength, until Election Day, which is the first 
Tuesday after the first Monday in November. 
All that day the hearts of the candidates are in 
their throats, their relatives and close friends 
are much excited, and their campaign managers 
are equally nervous and expectant. For as a 
rule during the ensuing twenty-four hours their 
fates will be settled by the votes of that great im¬ 
partial jury, the American citizens, and for four 
years they must abide by their decision. 

Just how elections are carried on, how the polls 
are conducted, and the votes counted and regis¬ 
tered, will be told in another chapter as an inter¬ 
esting little story of its own. 


CHAPTER VIII 


THE BUSINESS OF VOTING 

The simplest and quickest form of voting is 
probably the oldest form—that of the voice, 
where those in favor of a measure are asked to 
signify it by shouting ''Aye,’' and those opposed, 
by saying '‘Nay.” But this is by no means a fair 
or accurate method, for if the vote is close it is 
very difficult to tell which side is in the majority; 
and even where it is not close, sometimes the 
minority seem to make more noise than the oth¬ 
ers. Chairmen, under such circumstances, are 
also often misjudged by the voters, and accused 
of deliberately favoring one side or another, no 
matter how just they try to be. 

Still another simple method—but one more ac¬ 
curate than that of viva voce —is the show of 
hands, each voter raising his right hand at the 
call of the chairman. But this, likewise, is open 
to criticism, for sometimes hands are unseen and 
sometimes a voter might be tempted to raise both 
hands in a thick gathering and in a critical count. 

A different manner of voting than either of the 
two foregoing, is to call for what is termed a 

96 


THE BUSINESS OF VOTING 97 

rising vote. Here the Aye side rise from their 
chairs to a full stand when called upon by the 
one in charge. They are then counted, where¬ 
upon the Nay side are asked to follow the process. 

Of the three methods of voting named the last 
is perhaps the most satisfactory in point of cor¬ 
rectness of registration. But there are many 
occasions for voting when it will prove not at all 
to the liking of voters. Men are sometimes timid, 
or careful not to hurt the feelings of others, and 
for one reason or the other they do not wish to 
express their opinion openly. For instance work¬ 
men are usually backward about declaring their 
opinions in front of their employers, fearing a 
loss of employment in the event of discovery of 
their attitude. And, indeed, in another instance, 
it is very embarrassing to us to have to make an 
open choice from among a number of candidates, 
many of whom may be personal friends. We 
would much prefer to force home the weight of 
our opinion in a quiet, unobtrusive manner. 

It was to meet this very demand for an honest, 
accurate, and self-effacing vote that man devised 
finally the written or printed vote called the bal¬ 
lot, The word means, strictly, ^'a little ball,’' and 
in many clubs and societies black and white balls 
are still used to vote with, as the Greeks and In¬ 
dians used shells on certain occasions. The bal¬ 
lot permits a secret expression of a voter’s views. 


98 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

often saves him from unpopularity among his fel¬ 
lows and his opponents, and thereby encourages 
timid people to vote just as they think regardless 
of the opinions of others. Not only that, but it 
also permits of voting quickly for a number of 
candidates at one time. 

Efficient as is the ballot in the hands of the gen¬ 
eral voting public, it is not so well fitted to the 
requirements of a representative body like Con¬ 
gress. Here every member is openly responsible 
to the people who have chosen him, and who are 
entitled to know just how he votes on the various 
questions which come up. It is the custom in this 
body to call off the names of the voters in order, 
and register the vote of each before calling upon 
the next. In this way those who are absent and 
do not vote at all, are also noted. 

Candidates have often spent money lavishly in 
order to be elected; they have hired numerous 
agents to persuade voters to change their votes 
at the polls or voting-place; even worse, they 
have sometimes bribed careless and dishonest 
citizens to give up their vote for a present, a ride, 
a drink, a dinner, a job, or other selfish object. 
Men have also been employed at the polls to 
watch the ballots and spy out what kind of vote 
each voter put into the box. And there have 
been times when the officers in charge of the 
election have been false to their trust, and have 


THE BUSINESS OF VOTING 99 

permitted fraud at the polls, and have contrived 
to count the votes wrong. 

Now, if cheating at elections was tolerated, or 
if any considerable number of citizens were will¬ 
ing either to cheat or be bribed, popular govern¬ 
ment would become a farce, the laughing-stock 
of the world. For this reason laws have been 
passed to protect the elections in every way pos¬ 
sible. Thus, there are laws requiring candidates 
or the party managers to publish their expenses 
of the campaign, also laws to regulate the amount 
of money that may be expended for each office in 
this way. For there is no better defense against 
works of darkness than plenty of light; publicity 
makes rascals afraid, if it does not make them 
ashamed. After all, how much more manly, 
how much more honorable, it would appear, if 
we were a candidate for public office, if we did 
not spend a single penny for advertising our¬ 
selves, but relied solely upon the merits of our 
integrity and reputation to put us in our new 
office! Imagine George Washington or Abra¬ 
ham Lincoln—the beloved and respected of our 
ex-Presidents—going around the country tooting 
their horns and inducing their friends to raise 
funds to help hiiy them into office! It is too ab¬ 
surd, too incongruous, even for supposition, is it 
not? 

One of the fairest of the election laws for vot- 


100 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


ing is based upon a method used in England and 
Australia, called the Australian Ballot System. 
The principal feature of this system is that it se¬ 
cures for each voter the privacy of a stall while 
he is marking his ballot, also absolute secrecy in 
voting. It also provides the votes at the expense 
of the Government, so that no candidate or party 
can have excuse for spending money at election¬ 
time, except for the perfectly proper purpose of 
publishing platforms and policies. It prints all 
the names of the candidates on one ticket, so that 
the voter can choose freely for himself without 
confusion. It demands that a cross (X) be 
placed against the name of each and every can¬ 
didate voted for. 

We have already seen how enrollment and the 
primaries concern only those voters who become 
party members. Registration is a much broader 
institution of elections; it sweeps in all voters, 
regardless of party; every man and woman must 
register at least once in the district in which 
they reside, or their vote will not be accepted. 

Registration for the Presidential election takes 
place in October, when the inspectors meet at the 
polling-places in each election district to record 
the names of those qualified to vote. The lists 
prepared are afterward filed with the boards of 
elections. In cities of more than five thousand 
inhabitants, voters come personally before the 


THE BUSINESS OF VOTING loi 


inspectors. They answer various questions con¬ 
cerning age, residence, and occupation, and if 
their status as citizens is in accord with the Con¬ 
stitution, they sign their names in the registers. 
Their right to register may be challenged by any 
inspector, or any spectator. In such a case the 
would-be voter’s qualifications must be proved by 
a sworn statement, which will be investigated by 
the local police. If the statement is found cor¬ 
rect, the challenge perforce is withdrawn. 

The primary purpose of registration is to pre¬ 
vent fraud, to make sure that a voter does not 
vote more than once, and that he is qualified to 
use the ballot. But for this system dishonest 
politicians could induce dishonest citizens, and 
those who were not citizens, to appear in several 
different voting districts and cast their ballots. 
Every one must vote in the district of which he is 
a resident, and nowhere else. Traveling men 
must go home or miss their vote. Even Con¬ 
gressmen in Washington, who live elsewhere, 
must return to their native heath for the privi¬ 
lege of using the polls. Many of them travel 
hundreds of miles in this way just to vote, so glad 
are they at the opportunity. 

In small places of less than five thousand in¬ 
habitants, personal registration for all is not 
necessary. Instead, the inspectors simply copy 
in the registers the names of those who voted in 


102 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

the last election, and add the names of all quali¬ 
fied new voters who appear before them. No 
registration of any kind is required in electing 
town and village officials. 

When registration is over, the voter as a rule 
waits anxiously for the chance to use his privi¬ 
lege. At any special election set by the gover¬ 
nor, or at the general election in the fall, he goes 
to his voting-place between six in the morning 
and five in the afternoon to cast his ballot that 
will count in deciding just who shall hold some 
public office. 

Each district has one polling-place which is 
located in a school, store, or public house, and 
which is in charge of four inspectors, two poll 
clerks, and two ballot clerks. These minor offi¬ 
cials—numbering over seventeen thousand in 
New York City, where more than two thousand 
polling-places are used—are yearly appointees of 
the local Board of Elections in very large cities, 
and of mayors in smaller cities. In towns the in¬ 
spectors are appointed by the town boards, and 
select their own poll and ballot clerks. 

Bi-partisan, like their superiors, these deputies 
are responsible for the honest and proper conduct 
of the election over which they preside. The in¬ 
spectors have general authority over the polling- 
places, have custody of the ballots and ballot 
boxes, and examine or challenge anybody whose 


THE BUSINESS OF VOTING 103 

right to vote is doubted. The poll clerks keep a 
list of all voters in books called poll books, and 
assist the inspectors in various ways. The bal¬ 
lot clerks fold and deliver ballots to the voters as 
they appear before them. 

As a last safeguard, each party sends two paid 
watchers to the polls, to supplement the regular 
officials, and to see that fairness prevails. They 
have official privileges, may challenge voters, and 
may also carefully scrutinize the counting of the 
vote. 

All election expenses are borne by the city, 
town, or village in which an election is held. In 
New York City, the total expenditure of the 
board of elections in a recent election ran over a 
million dollars. The bulk of this vast sum went 
to pay the officials who served at the voting- 
places. 

The polling-place must comply with certain 
strict rules as to its equipment and conduct. Each 
poll must have a guard rail, and behind that rail 
one or more enclosed booths, with sufficient bal¬ 
lot boxes for the different kinds of ballots— 
those designed for receiving votes on constitu¬ 
tional amendments, and those for receiving the 
votes for various candidates. No liquor can be 
sold anywhere within the building, and no elec¬ 
tioneering attempted within one hundred feet of 
the premises. 


104 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

Going behind the guard rail, the voter first 
gives his name and address to one of the inspec¬ 
tors. The latter calls out the name, and the reg¬ 
ister is examined to see if he has already reg¬ 
istered. If he has, the poll clerk writes down his 
name and address in the poll book. To prevent 
illegal voting in places where there is personal 
registration, as in New York City, the voter him¬ 
self signs the poll book, and the inspector com¬ 
pares the signature with the one made on regis¬ 
tration day. If he is satisfied, the ballot clerk 
is instructed to give the voter a ballot, with a 
numbered stub or coupon attached. The poll 
clerk then enters the number of the stub against 
the name of the voter in his poll book. 

The voter goes alone into one of the booths. 
He is allowed five minutes in which to mark his 
ballot. If he cannot understand it he is at lib¬ 
erty to call in one of the officials to help him. 
With a pencil which he finds in the booth, he 
marks his ballot. He may vote what is called a 
“straight ticket” if he wishes; that is, vote for 
every one of the various candidates on a certain 
party ballot, in which case he need only mark his 
X in the large square at the head of the ticket. 
If he does not like certain men on this ticket, he 
must vote what is termed a “split ticket.” This 
will take longer, as he will be compelled to mark 
the square at the left of each candidate he pre- 


THE BUSINESS OF VOTING 105 

fers, on as many tickets as there are parties cov- 
•ered. In doing this he should be very careful 
not to vote for two different men for the same 
office, or his vote for both will be lost to him 
when the ballots are counted and the puzzled offi¬ 
cials note the inconsistency. 

After he comes out of the booth, the voter 
offers his folded ballot to the man in charge of 
the ballot box. This official again calls out the 
voter's name, which appears in view upon the 
folded paper, and also calls out the number of 
the stub attached thereto. This is then verified 
by the poll clerk, consulting his book, and, if all 
is well, the inspector tears off the numbered stub, 
and drops this and the ballot into separate boxes. 

Our voter has now cast his vote in the regular 
way, and passing quietly outside of the guard 
rail, leaves the polling-place with a feeling of 
just pride and satisfaction in the thought that he 
is an American citizen and has just exercised 
the greatest political privilege that can come to 
any man in a free country—the right of vote, 
the right of choosing his own law-makers. 

As soon as the polls are closed, at five o'clock, 
a vast number of people await the verdict. Every 
voter has had an opportunity to cast his ballot 
before that hour, for if he is employed the law 
insists that his employer shall let him off long 
enough to go to the polls, and if he is ill or crip- 


io6 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


pled, automobiles will call for him and return 
him to his home. 

But the verdict does not come at once. It 
takes time to count the ballots, much time where 
the vote is large. It may be three or four hours 
before the result can be determined; it may be 
that the officials will have to work over the jum¬ 
ble of candidates’ names into the wee small hours 
of the morning. 

Now that the clock has struck five, only offi¬ 
cials and watchers remain behind the guard rail; 
but the doors of the polling-place must be left 
unlocked, and the room must be well lighted. 

The State provides printed sheets to tally the 
vote, and issues detailed instructions to insure a 
correct count. When the count is finished at 
last, the result is announced publicly. A written 
statement is given to the police officer on duty at 
the polls, to be handed to his superior; the good 
ballots are returned to their boxes, and the latter 
sealed, and void and useless ballots are done up in 
packages. As a last measure, three sworn state¬ 
ments of the result are signed by the inspectors 
and poll clerks, to be filed with the proper au¬ 
thorities. 

On the following Tuesday, with all the records 
before them, the county boards of supervisors— 
or the boards of aldermen in New York and Buf¬ 
falo—make the second and official count of the 


THE BUSINESS OF VOTING 107 

ballots for county officers. The local board of 
elections verifies the number of those cast for 
city officials, and the State board of canvassers— 
consisting of the secretary of State, the attorney 
general, comptroller. State engineer, and treas¬ 
urer—count the ballots for State and National 
officers. 

When the results are announced, and certifi¬ 
cates of election issued to the successful candi¬ 
dates, the election wheel so carefully designed to 
carry out the will of the majority of the people 
has made its complete turn once more. 


CHAPTER IX 


THE GOVERNMENT OF TOWNSHIP AND COUNTY 

When the English colonists came to America 
and settled down in their new home, they were 
familiar with forms of both national and local 
government as practiced in England. Their re¬ 
moval to America did not at first change their 
national government in any way, for the Eng¬ 
lish government still remained theirs, or rather 
they remained subjects under it. But to meet 
their local needs. Great Britain was too far away, 
and it was necessary to establish some form of 
local government in their new home. In doing 
this it was natural that they should imitate the 
forms with which they had been familiar since 
childhood in England. 

In the early times of English history the small¬ 
est political division was the town, which in 
those days consisted of a palisaded village with 
surrounding farm and pasture-land. It was 
governed by a meeting of the men of the town in 
what was called a town meeting. In the trou¬ 
blous course of early English history these towns 
lost their right of self-government. 

lo8 


TOWNSHIP AND COUNTY 109 

Meanwhile another division of the land ap¬ 
peared for purposes of government. This was 
the parish, which was under the control of the 
parish priest. The parish generally was about 
the same size in area as the older town. The 
people of the parish met in what was termed a 
vestry meeting, their purpose being to assess the 
church rates for church expenses and the care of 
the poor. 

As the powers of the town meeting declined, 
the vestry meeting gradually assumed them, un¬ 
til the latter became really the same thing as the 
older town meeting. 

When the Puritans left England because of 
restrictions on their religious liberty, they went 
in congregations; and when they settled in Mas¬ 
sachusetts, they grouped in little palisaded com¬ 
munities around the church. Under these con¬ 
ditions it was natural that the New England 
colonists should adopt the town form, or parish 
form, of government, with which they were in 
every way familiar. 

Thus each little community, including the vil¬ 
lage and surrounding farms in the new country, 
was called a town, or township, and was gov¬ 
erned by an assembly of all the freemen (land- 
owners) who belonged to the church. Their 
meetings were called town meetings. In the be¬ 
ginning they met in the church, but later did so 


no YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


in the town house, a public building erected for 
the purpose. The members of this meeting lev¬ 
ied taxes for church purposes, to provide for the 
poor, and also to pay the expenses of govern¬ 
ment. Subsequently it provided funds by taxes 
for a school, and authorized the construction and 
repair of roads and bridges. The laws enacted 
by the town meeting were called by-laws, which 
means town laws, and which we still have with 
us, by name, in parliamentary law to this day. 

In order to execute its by-laws it was neces¬ 
sary for the town meeting to elect officers. First 
of all, there were from three to nine selectmen, 
the number varying with the size of the township. 
These officials had general supervision over all 
community business. They represented the town 
when the town meeting was not in session, and 
called the town meeting when they saw fit. 

The town clerk kept the records of the busi¬ 
ness of the town. There were tax assessors, 
who determined the amount of tax each citizen 
must pay. The town treasurer received the 
taxes of the people, and paid the expenses of the 
community. Overseers of the poor looked after 
the needs of the unfortunate. The constable 
served warrants issued by the selectmen, arrested 
criminals, and collected the taxes when it be¬ 
came necessary to use force to accomplish that 
purpose. Each town also had a school commit- 


TOWNSHIP AND COUNTY in 


tee who provided teachers and schoolhouses for 
the youth of the day. 

At the time America was colonized, England’s 
parishes were only a part of the local government 
in that country, there being also shires, or coun¬ 
ties. The shire included a number of parishes, 
or townships. Over the county there was a gov¬ 
ernment which at one time was composed of rep¬ 
resentatives from the townships and cities, but 
which afterward consisted of a number of jus¬ 
tices of the peace appointed by the king. These 
justices constituted the court of quarter sessions, 
meeting every quarter of the year to hold court. 
They were both a judicial body, trying cases at 
law, and an administrative body, managing the 
affairs of the county. 

Unlike the Puritans, the colonists of Virginia 
did not come to America for religious freedom. 
Nor did they leave Great Britain for political 
freedom, as did the early settlers of Massachu¬ 
setts. On the contrary they came in search of 
wealth. Virginia is a rich farming country, and 
here the colonists had wonderful crops, and later 
did a thriving business in the growing of tobacco. 
They scattered themselves along the rivers, as 
planters, instead of living in compact communi¬ 
ties like the New England colonists. 

Therefore, when the Virginians organized 
themselves for local government, they adopted 


112 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


the English plan of county government, in pref¬ 
erence to the township plan. The whole colony 
was divided into counties, over each of which 
was placed a county court, consisting of eight 
justices of the peace. These justices were ap¬ 
pointed by the governor of the colony, in the 
same manner as they were appointed by the king 
in England, but they could themselves fill va¬ 
cancies in their number. 

The county court was primarily a judicial 
body, trying cases at law, and meeting for the 
purpose about once a month at a designated place 
called the county seat. It also had administra¬ 
tive powers, as in England, appointed highway 
surveyors and constables, levied taxes for the 
maintenance of roads and bridges, and for other 
expenses of government. 

In each county there was a sheriff, appointed 
by the colonial governor. His chief duties were 
to execute the judgments of the court, and to 
serve as treasurer and tax collector. 

Another important officer was the county lieu¬ 
tenant. This person had charge of the militia, 
and in those lawless times there were frequent 
calls, especially from Indian sources, for him to 
mobilize his volunteers. 

Thus we find two forms of local government 
in the colonies. Both were from England, and 
each was adapted to the peculiar conditions in 


TOWNSHIP AND COUNTY 113 

which the different communities of colonists 
found themselves. Throughout New England, 
the township system of government was in vogue, 
and still is, for the matter of that, in many small 
communities, although it has necessarily been 
abandoned for the representative system in the 
larger communities. Throughout the Southern 
colonies, the township method prevailed. Even 
to-day it is still the unit of political organization 
in this section. 

New York and Pennsylvania, lying between 
influenced in their forms of local government to 
such an extent that their administration was 
strongly flavored with features of both neighbors. 
In New York the township predominated, but 
these were grouped into counties, and each town¬ 
ship in a county elected each .year a member of 
the county board of supervisors. In Pennsyl¬ 
vania, also, there were both townships and coun¬ 
ties, but the counties predominated, and the 
county officers were elected by the people of the 
county instead of being appointed by the gov¬ 
ernor, as in Virginia. 

At this day, throughout the West the mixed 
form of township-county government prevails; 
sometimes one and sometimes the other in the 
ascendency. In the Northwest the influence of 
the township is especially strong wherever there 


114 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

is a new England population. In Michigan, 
northern Illinois, and other parts of the Middle- 
west, the town meeting still manages the affairs 
of the township. 

The power of the town meet mg in developing 
a strong citizenship has been very great. Since 
all voters have a right to attend, and to take part 
in the discussion and settlement of public ques¬ 
tions, this augurs for keen interest in local affairs 
and satisfaction in legislation. Moreover, it has 
been noticed that others besides voters often at¬ 
tend the meetings. In listening to the discus¬ 
sions, these outsiders become satiated with patri¬ 
otic fervor very often. The town meeting thus 
becomes for the new arrival an excellent school 
of instruction in political science. Nowhere else 
is it possible to find such evidence of whole- 
souled, healthy, active citizenship as encountered 
in those localities where the town meeting is in 
style. 

The county system of representative govern¬ 
ment is more practicable throughout the West 
than the township with government by town 
meeting. The country is almost wholly agricul¬ 
tural, and the population is widely scattered. 
The main governing body of the county is the 
board of county commissioners, or supervisors. 
They administer the affairs of the county; they 
fix the rate of taxation; they appropriate money 


TOWNSHIP AND COUNTY 115 

for the building and repairing of public build¬ 
ings, such as the courthouses and jails, for con¬ 
structing and repairing roads and bridges; they 
also appoint subordinate officials. 

Every county has its court, which is held at the 
county seat. The commands of the court are 
carried out by the sheriff, who also maintains 
order in the county of his own volition, and who 
usually has charge of the county jail and its in¬ 
mates. There are various other officers, among 
them the county treasurer, the tax assessors and 
collectors, the superintendent of schools, the 
clerk, the coroner, and the surveyor. 

In those States where the township has the 
chief importance in local government, the county 
exists for little more than judicial purposes. In 
other States the county government has many of 
the powers which the township government exer¬ 
cises elsewhere. There seems to be a growing 
tendency to centralize the administration of many 
local affairs in the county government, or at 
least to give the county government supervision 
over the affairs of the townships. This is seen 
in the administration of the schools, and of roads. 
This supervision secures greater uniformity and 
efficiency than would be the case if each town¬ 
ship had exclusive control over these matters. 

The government of rural communities seems a 
comparatively simple matter. The pressing 


ii6 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

problems of city and National government have 
thrown it into the background. But it has an 
importance that demands the interest and atten¬ 
tion of every citizen. In the first place, the town¬ 
ship and county have always been the units of 
self-government. No matter how isolated a 
farmer and his family may be, these governments 
provide him with a direct means of cooperating 
with others for the satisfaction of his immediate 
wants, and the protection of his rights. In addi¬ 
tion, upon the excellence of these local means of 
self-government depends in large measure the 
success or failure of the general governments of 
State and Nation. 

In the second place, these forms of local gov¬ 
ernment have acquired new importance because 
of the very fact of the growth of cities and the 
increasing complexity of community life. While 
it is true that they were originally adapted to the 
needs of rural communities and small towns, 
their power for political welfare to-day is fully 
as good, if not better, than when they were first 
instituted on American soil. Though the town¬ 
ship government by town meeting has had to give 
way before increasing population centers, county 
government has remained almost unchanged and 
unmoved. 

The county is an administrative division of the 
State. By this is meant that an important part 


TOWNSHIP AND COUNTY 117 

of the work of county government is to admin¬ 
ister the laws of the State within the county’s 
own borders. On the other hand, there are many 
matters of purely local concern that come under 
the jurisdiction of the county government. 
Where there are such differences among the 
counties as exist in most of the States, many be¬ 
lieve that better results would be obtained in 
matters of purely local interest if a larger degree 
of home rule were allowed. California has taken 
the lead in this matter by enacting a State law 
which allows each county the right to adopt its 
own charter, or form of local government, a 
right which the cities of that State have enjoyed 
for some time past. 

In these and other ways county government is 
being modified here and there in our fair land, 
but especially in the West. Changing conditions 
of community life must be met, and met in a man¬ 
ner to benefit conditions and the people. 


CHAPTER X 


CITY GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL 

From the town grows the city. The growth 
of cities in the United States has been very rapid. 
In 1790, when the first census was taken, there 
were in the United States only six cities with a 
population exceeding eight thousand. The larg¬ 
est, Philadelphia, had but twenty-eight thousand. 
In 1920 there were nearly a thousand cities of 
more than eight thousand population; New York, 
the largest American city, had over five million, 
having attained the honor of being the largest 
city in the whole world. In 1790 only slightly 
more than three per cent of the population lived 
in cities; at the present time our cities contain 
approximately fifty per cent of the entire popu¬ 
lation of the country. 

Cities have brought with them serious prob¬ 
lems of community life and of government. New 
and costly enterprises are required for cities for 
the health, comfort, and safety of their inhabi¬ 
tants—enterprises needed by the comparatively 
simple exigencies of the towns from which they 

118 


CITY GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL 119 

sprang. Where so many people are crowded to¬ 
gether, there are many conflicting interests which 
cannot be settled by the ordinary town meeting 
form of government, as described in the fore¬ 
going chapter. Public business becomes com¬ 
plicated and extensive. Frequent meetings are 
necessary to provide for these enlarged needs, of 
course. 

Cities, like counties and townships, receive 
their right of self-government from, the State in 
which they are situated. This right is called a 
charter. The latter is granted to the city by the 
State legislature, and in the charter is named the 
form of government and the powers the city 
may exercise. The city even does not always 
have the privilege of ratifying the charter,—that 
is, voting for its acceptance or declination—but 
must take what is given them. Because the char¬ 
ters are often long and detailed, and since the 
legislature usually holds the right to change them 
at will, the amount of self-government left to 
the city is frequently very limited. 

This control over the details of the affairs of 
the cities by the State legislatures is one of the 
chief obstacles to good city government. And the 
reason is simple. Most of the State legislators 
are from small towns and the rural districts. 
No matter how well-intentioned they may be, 
their experience is necessarily not such as to make 


120 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


them intimately acquainted with city business, 
hence they are likely to introduce bills detri¬ 
mental to the best interests of the larger com¬ 
munities, and vote against those which should 
be put through for city welfare. In addition to 
this, it is much easier for scheming corporations 
to exercise an ill influence over a few legislators 
than over the numerous citizens of a city, and 
there have been in the past sufflcient of these cor¬ 
rupters, wielding the great power that their vast 
wealth brings, to keep, in most instances, the city 
under the thumb of the State legislature in this 
way. 

However, it is pleasant to know that the inter¬ 
ference by State legislatures has been checked 
somewhat by the provision in some States for a 
general form of charter for all cities of about an 
equal size. Under this status, a legislature cannot 
modify the charter of any one of these cities with¬ 
out changing likewise the charters of all other 
cities in its class, and this would arouse such op¬ 
position that it is unlikely the legislature would 
ever have the temerity to attempt a modifica¬ 
tion. 

In a number of States—California, for one,— 
cities are allowed by the State to draft their own 
form of government, which, after being ratified 
by the voters of the city, is submitted to the leg¬ 
islature for approval. At the present tim,e this 


CITY GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL 121 


excellent principle of home rule for cities is 
spreading with encouraging vehemence. 

A good many changes have been made in the 
form of government for cities in the United 
States during the past hundred years. As has 
been intimated, there are to-day varied ramifica¬ 
tions of political directorship in different cities 
throughout the length and breadth of the coun¬ 
try. As in the case of State and National govern¬ 
ments, however, all city governments exercise 
legislative, executive, and judicial powers, but the 
separation of these powers has not been clearly 
outlined. 

In the form of city government that has been 
most common in recent years, the legislative 
power has been vested in a city council. Its 
members are elected by the people, the city being 
divided into sections called wards, from each of 
which one or more representatives are chosen. 
In some cases the council consists of two cham¬ 
bers, an upper chamber, or board of aldermen, 
and a lower chamber, or common council. In¬ 
variably the upper chamber is the smaller. The 
councilmen are elected for a short term, usually 
two years, and are paid a salary by the city. 

In order to transact business the council is or¬ 
ganized into committees, such as the committee 
on streets, on public buildings, on finance, on 
parks, on water, on playgrounds, etc. Ordinarily 


122 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


the mayor, who is chief executive, presides over 
the meetings of the council, and sometimes, but 
not always, he has the power to veto its acts. 

There was a time when practically all of the 
powers of the government of the city was held 
by the council. It could carry out laws as well 
as make them. The business of the police, the 
fire department, the streets, etc., was managed by 
its committees, or by officers appointed by the 
council. There was a mayor, elected by the peo¬ 
ple, but he had very limited powers, being scarcely 
more than a presiding officer for the council 
itself, although he was often a magistrate with 
judicial authority. 

It is not surprising that this sort of govern¬ 
ment proved unsatisfactory. There were several 
objections to it. One was the difficulty of fixing 
responsibility. Another was a lack of unity of 
government, since the various committees were 
not always harmonious, rather the contrary. 
Furthermore, the elective council members were 
frequently incompetent to direct the business of 
the various city departments. 

These deficiencies resulted in an important 
change by which the powers of the council were 
greatly reduced, while those of the mayor were 
correspondingly increased. The council had 
never had wide legislative powers, as they ex¬ 
tended only to matters of local concern not regu- 


CITY GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL 123 

lated by State law. Its most important legis¬ 
lative power is that of controlling taxation and 
expenditures for city purposes. Even this power 
was curtailed in some cities by a special board of 
estimates. The latter branch had large powers 
over the city’s finances. New York City, as an 
example, is thus governed. 

Another important function of the council is 
granting franchises, or rights to corporations 
which propose supplying the citizens with street 
car service, electric lighting, heat, water, etc. 
Such franchises run for a definite number of 
years, when they must either be terminated or re¬ 
newed by an extension. 

The work of administering the business of a 
large city is so complex that it has to be subdi¬ 
vided. Hence there are various administrative 
departments under the supervision of chiefs of 
boards. Perhaps the most important of these is 
the department that manages the money affairs 
of the city. There is also a treasurer, who has 
care of the city’s funds, and who makes pay¬ 
ments when authorized by the proper authorities, 
and receives money for taxes and licenses. If a 
circus comes to the city for an exhibit it must pay 
a license to the treasurer for the privilege. Even 
the humble huckster, who wakes us up of an 
early summer morning by his discordant call of 
‘'Strawber-rees! strawber-rees!” has to pay a 


124 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

yearly fee for the privilege of selling his wares. 

In some cities there is also a controller, who is 
the real director of the finance department. There 
will likewise be found the city health depart¬ 
ment, the fire department, the police department, 
the water works department, the public works 
department, the department of education, and 
many others. In each department there is of 
course a head, under whom there are numbers of 
assistants and employees. 

City government has suffered greatly from the 
spoils system, which is a lamentable condition of 
a victorious political party discharging the con¬ 
scientious and competent office-holders of the 
losing party and putting in their place new men 
of little or no experience who are sometimes 
dishonest and pure grafters. Doubtless this 
condition would not exist, else exist in a milder 
form, were it not for the fact that our National 
political scheme is fostered upon a like spirit. 
It is the essence of selfishness and poor judg¬ 
ment, and wasteful of efficiency and government 
economy. Speed the day when party politics will 
be a thing of the past, when every candidate will 
stand alone on his own merits, and when voters 
will vote alone from their own intelligence! 

One way of removing cities from partisan con¬ 
trol is by holding city elections at a different time 
from State and National elections. This will do 


CITY GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL 125 

away with much of the present confusion be¬ 
tween local and National questions, segregating 
them, as it were. But even more important than 
this is the wider introduction of the merit system 
in the appointment of city officials and employees, 
under what is known as the civil service. This 
cannot fail to improve vastly the quality of gov¬ 
ernment in cities, as it already has done in the 
National government, for it compels all ap¬ 
pointees to office to pass an intellectual, physical, 
moral, and experience test, before qualifying to 
serve the people. 

Two forms of government very different from 
that already described have recently been intro¬ 
duced in many cities. One of these is the Com¬ 
mission form. By this plan the government is 
placed wholly in the hands of a commission of 
from three to nine men (most often five) who are 
elected by the people at large. One member of 
the Commission is designated as the mayor, but 
he has no powers different from those of the 
other members. He simply presides over the 
meetings of the Commission, and on public acts 
as official head of the city. The Commission 
as a whole serves as a legislative body. It de¬ 
cides on the policy to be pursued by the city gov¬ 
ernment. Each member of the Commission is 
placed at the head of one of the main departments 
of the government. Thus there is a commissioner 


126 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


of public works, a commissioner of safety, a com¬ 
missioner of finance, etc., etc. 

Galveston, Texas, was the first city to adopt 
this form of local control. It happened directly 
after the city had been devastated by storm and 
flood, at a time when the crisis demanded a simple 
but energetic and efficient business management. 
Since then, it has spread rapidly and widely, un¬ 
til at this writing it has been copied, with slight 
variations, by hundreds of the leading cities of 
the country. 

Some of the advantages of the Commission 
plan are said to be: 

(1) That it prevents the concentration of too 
much power in the hands of one man (the 
mayor). 

(2) That it supplants the large council with 
the small commission, which makes it easier for 
the people to hold their legislative body respon¬ 
sible for its acts. 

(3) That it fixes the responsibility for the 
management of each department of governmenf 
upon one man. 

(4) That it facilitates the transaction of the 
city's business. 

Under the old plan of government there are 
often many delays in getting business through 
the council, which usually meets once a week, 
and which receives its messages through numer- 


CITY GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL 127 

ous committees and administrative offices. Un¬ 
der the Commission plan each commissioner is 
on duty all the time, and not only that, but the 
several commissioners may hold a joint meeting 
at any time the occasion demands. 

Under the Commission form of government 
the principle of the short ballot is applied; that 
is, only the more irnportant officers (the commis¬ 
sioners) are elected by the people, the mirfor of¬ 
ficials being appointed by the few elected. This 
plan of administration is also usually accom¬ 
panied by the initiative, the referendum, and the 
recall, which are nominal means for holding the 
members of the Commission and their subordi¬ 
nates directly responsible to the people. 

The chief objections to the Commission plan 
may be said to cover two. First, it is said by 
many to be unwise to combine legislative and ad¬ 
ministrative powers in one body. Second, it is 
urged that the Commission plan tends to break 
up the city government into three, five, or more 
parts, without sufficient provision for unity. 

But these objections are said to be overcome 
in large measure by the most recent form of city 
government, which, like its predecessor, is spread¬ 
ing fast. In fact it is not only gaining converts 
among the populaces which have have never tried 
the Commission form, but numerous cites which 
have had experience with the Commission type. 


128 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

and liked it, have now adopted the new scheme 
with gratifying results. This newcomer into 
the political fold of cities is called the City Man¬ 
ager plan. 

The City Manager plan is like the Commission 
plan insofar as there is a small body of commis¬ 
sioners. Yet it differs in that the commissioners 
of the City Manager plan appoint a ‘‘city mana¬ 
ger’’ to whom is given full authority to adminis¬ 
ter, or manage, the city’s business in all its de¬ 
partments, and to appoint his own subordinates. 
Thus the commission becomes wholly a legislative 
body, determines what the policy of the govern¬ 
ment shall be, and, after appointing the manager, 
holds him responsible for the proper conduct of 
the city’s affairs, and has power to remove him 
at any time. 

On the other hand, the people hold the com¬ 
mission responsible for the manager’s acts, and 
usually have the power of recall over its mem¬ 
bers. 

The relation between the commission and the 
manager is like that between a board of directors 
in a business organization and the manager or 
superintendent whom they choose to conduct 
their affairs; or like that between a board of edu¬ 
cation and the superintendent of schools. The 
truth is, the commission becomes a board of di¬ 
rectors for the city, and the city manager is their 


CITY GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL 129 

expert superintendent who sees that everything 
moves along smoothly. 

You can readily see that the position of city 
manager would require large ability and thor¬ 
ough training. Therefore, in most cases, the 
council is given authority to seek its manager 
wherever he may be found, regardless of his local 
citizenship, just as any employer would do in 
regular business, and the salary is usually made 
large enough to attract competent men. As an ex¬ 
ample: When the city of Sumter, S. C.,—which 
was the first city to adopt the City Manager plan, 
—decided that it wanted a city manager, it ad¬ 
vertised in the newspapers throughout the land. 
Almost two hundred answers came in, mostly 
from trained civil engineers (which profession 
seems to furnish the best material for the pur¬ 
pose), and from this list the commission made its 
selection after much deliberation. 

Since this, the City Manager form of gov¬ 
ernment has spread from Sumter to scores of 
cities, many of which are in the belt involving 
Ohio, Michigan, and Indiana, and it is constantly 
gaining in favor. The chief advantages claimed 
for it are that it applies to city government the 
principles of good competitive business manage¬ 
ment; that it simplifies and unifies the city’s 
problems of administration; that only experts in 
their line of work are engaged as directors; that 


130 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

it places responsibility in the hands of a single 
official instead of a handful; that it avoids the 
confusion between legislative and executive pow¬ 
ers common to the Commission form; and that 
it gives the people full control over their own 
local government. 

For the exercise of their judicial powers all 
cities have courts. There are police courts, be¬ 
fore which are brought persons arrested by the 
police for minor offenses; there are higher crimi¬ 
nal courts—such as the circuit court—for the 
trial of more serious cases; there are civil courts 
for the settlement of disputes over property 
rights—such as the probate court. In many 
cities there are also special courts of various 
kinds, among which are juvenile courts, where 
boys and girls have their hearings on different 
charges. The judges of all these courts are 
sometimes appointed by the mayor or city man¬ 
ager, and sometimes they are elected by the peo¬ 
ple themselves. 

More depends upon the efficiency of the courts 
than the hasty thinker would ever realize. It 
stands for granted, of course, that absolute fair¬ 
ness and impartiality should be shown by every 
court in its considerations of disputes and crime. 
A wise judge wields a great influence in the way 
of turning many a budding criminal—and some¬ 
times a hardened one—from a crooked path into 


CITY GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL 131 

a straight one. On the other hand, a judge of 
poor discernment and little tact, will often em¬ 
bitter those who appear before him, and instead 
of using his office to better the condition of hu¬ 
manity, he is contributing to the delinquency of 
the misguided, and putting obstacles thereby in 
the path of all good citizenship and good govern¬ 
ment. 

In the same way the police courts have much 
to do with the efficiency of the police department. 
Hardly could we expect the police to be conscien¬ 
tious and diligent in bringing in offenders and 
upholding the law by their acts if they have 
doubts about the courts standing valiantly back 
of them with merited punishments. For this rea¬ 
son every citizen should make it his duty to keep 
posted as to the character and service of the 
judges in his home city, and earnestly remonstrate 
at the polls when he finds a judge again a candi¬ 
date for office, whose past record is shady. 


CHAPTER XI 


THE REAL MEANING OF SCHOOLS 

There is an Englishman named William, Farr 
who has figured out what boys in countries like 
England and the United States are worth in 
money. This gentleman may be a little wrong in 
his calculations, but if so almost any educator 
will tell you that he has erred on the under side 
rather than the upper; in other words, that Mr. 
Farr has not placed the value of the average 
bundle of boy make-up as high as he should. 

Well, anyhow, this statistician says that 
some boys are worth only two hundred dollars, 
some five hundred, some one thousand, and some 
several thousands. As the boys get older their 
value increases. He is quite sure that the average 
ten-year-old lad is worth about two thousand 
dollars! 

At first it may not be easy for you to see just 
how any boy, who perhaps has less than forty dol¬ 
lars’ worth of clothes, and not more than fifteen 
dollars’ worth of toys and other playthings, can 
be such a valuable person. Even if he should quit 
school and go to work he could earn only a few 
132 


THE REAL MEANING OF SCHOOLS 133 

dollars a week. So it is not what he owns, nor 
what he earns, that makes him worth so much. 
When, then, is it ? And to whom is he thus valu¬ 
able? 

Boys and girls are like uncultivated fields: 
they are only an expense until they have been 
prepared to produce something that the world 
needs. While there is rarely a parent who does 
not consider his children the most valuable be¬ 
longing about the premises, nevertheless to him 
they are far less valuable than they are to the 
country which some day hopes to see them grown 
up and holding the reins of government in their 
own hands, or at least contributing greatly to 
the general welfare of the community in which 
they live. And of course these boys and girls, 
who are the nation’s greatest f uture wealth, must 
be trained—cultivated—till they are bursting 
with knowledge and energy to be used in attack- 
ing gigantic new world problems, and conquer¬ 
ing them, which no man to-day perhaps can fore¬ 
see. 

Because the United States does not want to 
go to pieces twenty or thirty years from now, 
because it must have the smartest and most skil¬ 
ful of engineers to construct its future great 
bridges, buildings, dams, railways, tunnels, et 
cetera; because it must have talented draftsmen 
to work out its complicated drawings, because it 


134 YOUNG CITIZENS’ OWN BOOK 

must have broad-minded, courageous editors, 
ministers and teachers to expound the best doc¬ 
trines; because mathematicians, chemists, cooks, 
dressmakers, physicians, and many other trained 
workers will be needed to carry on and enlarge 
the work of the old veterans who are laying down 
their tools every day,—^because of all this the 
nation spends millions of dollars every year on 
schools. In fact, in time of peace, education is 
by far the country’s heaviest expense. But she 
pays it gladly, knowing that the more she spends 
the greater she will be. 

In 1607 the first permanent English colony was 
founded in Virginia. Sixty-four years later. 
Governor Berkeley reported to the king on the 
condition of the colony, and, among other things, 
he said, ‘T thank God there are no free schools 
nor printing, and I hope we shall not have them 
these hundred years.” 

A statement like this from one in authority 
seems strange to us now, when one of our chief 
causes of pride is our fine system of free schools 
and our multitude of clanking printing presses. 
But it is only an example of the belief of despotic 
rulers, from time immemorable, that much knowl¬ 
edge on the part of their subjects is dangerous. 
It is true that a despotic government cannot ex¬ 
ist in a nation where the mass of the people are 
educated. In order for tyrannic rulers to thrive 


THE REAL MEANING OF SCHOOLS 135 

the people must be in the main uneducated and 
ignorant—a condition in which they cannot think 
for themselves, and will believe almost anything 
that is told them by those in control. ‘‘Dumb 
brutes are most easily driven,’’ is a trite saying 
we have nearly all heard sometime or other. In 
our present case what Governor Berkeley wanted 
to see was a colony of loyal subjects of the king, 
contented because ignorant of their rights and 
powers, and without ambition to extend their lib¬ 
erties by revolting against the government of the 
king and his officers. 

Very fortunately for the growth of our self- 
governing people. Governor Berkeley’s ideas 
were not to prevail. The people of Virginia 
were eager enough for schools, though geograph¬ 
ical conditions hindered their development. 

Within a few years after the founding of Vir¬ 
ginia, another group of colonists founded Mas¬ 
sachusetts. Here a law was passed providing 
that in every town of fifty householders an ele¬ 
mentary school was to be established, and in 
every town of one hundred householders there 
was to be a grammar school. It was largely ow¬ 
ing to the development of its system of free 
schools, free discussion, and a free press, that, 
one hundred years after Berkeley's time. New 
England became the center of rebellion against 
English oppression. 


136 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

If education were left with the parents of a 
child, it would be very unequally and poorly pro¬ 
vided. A large proportion of the citizens of 
America are foreigners. They and their children 
would make little headway in acquiring the 
knowledge that makes them intelligent citizens, if 
their education were, left for their families to 
accomplish. In this way, too, the children of 
wealthy families might be highly educated by 
means of books and travel, and by the employ¬ 
ment of private teachers at home, while the chil¬ 
dren of wage-earners would have to get along 
with a very meagre education. 

It is not a high degree of education on the part 
of a few that makes a republic like ours prosper. 
Rather it is a fairly generous amount of knowl¬ 
edge coming to each and every one of all ranks 
and education that shall be within the reach of 
all. And that every boy and girl shall not miss 
this wonderful opportunity to gain wisdom and 
experience, the community must also insist that 
every child up to a certain age shall attend 
school, whether willing or not. 

Training for citizenship is accomplished by 
the school in two ways: 

I. Through a course of instruction that will 
bring the pupil to see and experience his various 
relations to life, and which will also develop his 


THE REAL MEANING OF SCHOOLS 137 

powers of clear thinking and right action. We 
usually think of civics and history as two sub¬ 
jects intended to train largely for citizenship, but 
every subject in the course of study, if properly 
presented by the teacher, will contribute mate¬ 
rially to that end. Mathematics, language, liter¬ 
ature, science, manual arts, music, and many 
other branches, are all intended to broaden the 
view of the individual, to develop an all-round 
manhood and womanhood, to cultivate the dif¬ 
ferent desires and powers in such a way as to 
fit the pupil for future active life in the com¬ 
munity. 

2. The second way in which the school should 
train for citizenship lies in the life of the school 
itself. The school is a little community—a part 
of the larger community about it. It is a mis¬ 
take to think that the institution is merely a 
place to prepare for life. It is life itself. The 
haughty and supercilious child is brought shoul¬ 
der to shoulder with the humble and frank child, 
the poorest rub against the richest, the careless 
and indifferent are pitted against the over-care¬ 
ful and fastidious, the braggart is jeered into 
abashed silence by the condemnation of the ma¬ 
jority, the sneak is quickly discovered and un¬ 
covered by the same pitiless majority. Thus are 
rough edges worn down early, worn down round 


138 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

and smooth, worn down by the daily contact 
with the grinding stones of democracy, from the 
great mill of which every lusty young American 
must come out with much of the false of him re¬ 
moved, and the golden truth of him greatly ex¬ 
panded. 

People learn to do things by practice. All the 
principles of community life, found in the world 
outside of the school, are found also within the 
school. Here, without, are grouped together a 
number of people with different desires and dif¬ 
ferent motives, but all possessing certain com¬ 
mon interests. Among these outsiders are 
probably represented several different nationali¬ 
ties, going through the process of being molded 
into Americans by common observation, com¬ 
mon experience, and common association with 
one another. Among the school children are 
children from all classes in the community, all 
on exactly the same footing through the demo¬ 
cratic laws of the school, and with absolutely 
equal opportunities for showing their worth and 
winning advancement by their own efforts. 

In the school is found the necessity for indus¬ 
try and productive work; for a division of tasks 
and a united action, under the direction of teach¬ 
ers, for the common good. Here is seen the 
necessity for discipline, organization, and gov¬ 
ernment, in order that the greatest good for the 


THE REAL MEANING OF SCHOOLS 139 

greatest number may result. Here more or less 
responsibility rests upon each member for the 
welfare of all. Failure or wrongdoing on the 
part of one not only brings misfortune to him¬ 
self, but he soon sees that it disturbs the har¬ 
mony and well-being of all. 

That pupils may be given actual practice in 
community government, many schools are organ¬ 
ized somewhat on the plan of a city or State, with 
similar officers, such as a mayor, councilmen, and 
judges. This ''school city” plan of pupil self- 
government is widely known, and has been pro¬ 
ductive of much benefit to the boys and girls 
while at the same time maintaining excellent or¬ 
der in classes, halls, and on the playground itself. 
But however valuable it may be, as a means of 
instruction, the really important object of all ed¬ 
ucation should be to form habits in the pupil 
which will invest him with the best principles of 
good citizenship while he is mastering his reg¬ 
ular cultural and practical studies, under the nat¬ 
ural conditions of school life. 

Education is not only a privilege; it is a duty, 
because every citizen owes it to his community 
to equip himself to render the best account of 
himself for the service of others that is in any 
way possible. In most of the States there are 
laws which require every child to attend school 
until a certain age (usually fourteen, fifteen, or 


140 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

sixteen), and parents are held responsible for 
the attendance of their children. A great many 
pupils, however, drop out at the end of each 
grade, especially upon graduating from the ele¬ 
mentary schools, for one reason or another. The 
United States Bureau of Education estimates 
that only about one-fourth of the children who 
enter the first grade ever reach the high school, 
and of these less than forty per cent graduate. 

Investigation has disclosed that the majority 
of these who quit before entering the high school, 
do not stop, so much from the necessity of going 
to work to help out the finances of the family, as 
from the fact that parents do not realize the im- • 
portance of continuing their children, and be¬ 
come indifferent after the average child has. 
learned to read and write fairly well. 

These facts have led educators and others to 
study seriously whether the schools are doing all 
they can for the pupils, whether there are not 
some ways by means of which the children may 
be made more interested in their school life, and 
their fathers and mothers led to appreciate the 
full merits of a thorough education for their 
youngsters. Thus, of late years, many changes 
have been made in educational administration as 
well as the subject matter taught, and already 
the increasing proportion of attendance show's 
that it is a step in the right direction. 


THE REAL MEANING OF SCHOOLS 141 

Now in most large cities, and many smaller 
ones, pupils who have particular difficulties are 
given special attention. In some cases there are 
special classes under special teachers—even spe¬ 
cial schools—where backward, retarded, and sub¬ 
normal pupils are cared for. Then, too, some 
cities have taken another step in advance in the 
way of providing a special open-air building, or 
annex of the regular building, where anemic and 
tubercular children are provided with plenty of 
fresh air the whole year round, as well as sup¬ 
plied with plenty of fresh milk at regular peri¬ 
ods. Manual and vocational training for boys, 
and domestic science for girls, has been one of 
the greatest assets added to education during the 
past twenty-five years. All regular pupils in 
the elementary schools of towns of any size get 
manual training and domestic science nowadays, 
while many schools exclusively given up to pre¬ 
paring boys and girls for vocations of the better 
kind are to be found in large cities all over the 
country. When students graduate from the vo¬ 
cational schools they are sufficiently skilled of 
hand and versed of brain to take their places in 
the busy marts of trade and industry at good 
wages. 

The duty of education falls on the State, and 
not on the National Government. The State, in 
turn, has left the matter largely in the hands of 


142 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

local communities. As a result we find a good 
deal of variety in the organization and manage¬ 
ment of schools. As a rule, in rural communi¬ 
ties, the township or county is divided into school 
districts. If the district is small, it has only one 
school. Sometimes the township, or even the 
county, constitutes a single district, and then 
there are likely to be several schools under one 
management. In some cases the school business 
is transacted directly by the voters of the district, 
who assemble at stated times for the purpose. 
Usually it is placed in the hands of one or more 
committeemen, or trustees, who are elected by 
the people. As a rule all the schools of a county 
are united under the management of a board, 
which sometimes consists of several township 
trustees. The board of trustees looks after the 
school buildings, employs teachers, and often se¬ 
lects the text-books to be used. In order to 
maintain uniformity and excellence in all the 
schools of the county there is usually a county 
superintendent, appointed by the board or elected 
by the people, whose business is to supervise the 
actual work of the people. 

Unfortunately, owing to lack of money, which 
means incompetent teachers, poor equipment, and 
cramped quarters, rural schools are often in a 
state of ragged organization. For one thing the 
terms are far too short. For another, pupils 


THE REAL MEANING OF SCHOOLS 143 

of all ages, and all stages of advancement, are 
grouped together in one room, often in the same 
classes, and taught by the same teacher, who, of 
course, has far too little time in which to prop¬ 
erly prepare her courses, and whose nerves are 
likely to be too highly strung under her burdens 
to preserve that peace and power in the school¬ 
room which are so necessary to efficient organ¬ 
ization and administration. In some localities 
this latter defect has been partly overcome by 
consolidating the schools of the township in one 
centrally located building, where the pupils can 
be graded, and where several teachers can be 
employed under the supervision of a principal. 
During the final years of the World War, and 
the first year of reconstruction, when teachers 
were scarce, many rural schools were kept going 
in this way, where otherwise they must have had 
to close. 

In cities the organization of schools can be 
more perfectly effected. The large number of 
children makes it possible to grade them, from 
the primary classes to the high school. The 
compactness of the population also makes it eas¬ 
ier to supervise the work of all the system. Bet¬ 
ter buildings, better equipment, and better teach¬ 
ers, can be afforded. The schools are under the 
management of a board, the members of which 
are sometimes elected by the people, and some- 


144 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

times appointed. A superintendent, usually 
elected by the board, is in direct charge of the 
school work. 

City school boards are usually given wide 
powers, and act more or less independently of the 
other branches of the local government, in order 
to secure freedom from political influence, which 
is highly preferable. While the schools of the 
smaller towns and rural districts are usually con¬ 
trolled in their general methods by a central 
State authority, city schools, on the other hand, 
exist under conditions so different that the State 
allows them unusual liberty in organizing and 
managing their work. 

The State authority in education is vested in 
a State board of education, and often a State 
superintendent. The latter is chosen quite often 
by election, although he is sometimes appointed 
by the governor. In some States the text-books 
used by schools are prescribed by the State board; 
in others, the local board is allowed to choose 
its own. There are States which furnish books 
free to pupils at State expense, but not all States 
do this. 

That young men and young women, after com¬ 
pleting high school, may continue their education 
without financial embarfassment, a number of 
States provide State universities. These institu- 


THE REAL MEANING OF SCHOOLS 145 

tions furnish not only a broad collegiate educa¬ 
tion that will fit any one for life in the social 
realm of his community, but they also offer ex¬ 
cellent finished theoretical training in many pro¬ 
fessions, among them law, medicine, engineer¬ 
ing, architecture, music, electricity, chemistry, 
and mechanical arts. Attendance at State uni¬ 
versities is usually free to citizens of the State; 
but so excellent are they that they often attract 
the youth from other States, where the privilege 
of State universities has not extended. Outsid¬ 
ers have to pay a tuition. 

While education is thus chiefly in the hands of 
the State, the National Government is not wholly 
inactive in the matter. It has not only given a 
start to the educational work of the States by 
donating tracts of land, but it has established a 
Bureau of Education, at the head of which is a 
gentleman styled the United States Commis¬ 
sioner of Education. This Commissioner’s 
duties are chiefly to collect information on edu¬ 
cational matters, to publish this information in 
reports and bulletins, and to exercise an influ¬ 
ence on National movements throughout the 
country. 

The National Government maintains military 
and naval schools, schgols for the Indians, and 
schools for the city of Washington. Statistics 


146 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

show that the average cost of education through¬ 
out the country is about twenty-six dollars per 
pupil. 

While the instances cited cover practically all 
of the educational arms spread out by our Gov¬ 
ernment to take in and protect our precious 
youth, it must not be supposed that this is all 
the community does for its citizens in this way. 
In addition to the public schools, there are thou¬ 
sands of private schools scattered over the coun¬ 
try, especially in cities; and in the summer va¬ 
cation time many others open up their doors in 
pretty rural locations, where, breathing the fresh 
air of the countryside, and engaging in joyous 
nature studies at first hand, lessons that seemed 
hard and dry in the city are unconsciously as¬ 
similated by Jack and Mary while they romp and 
play in wholesome surroundings at Dad’s ex¬ 
pense. 

Then there are many parochial schools; that is, 
schools managed by certain churches, such as 
the Roman Catholic, the Dutch Reformed, etc. 
There are also many colleges which are self-sup¬ 
porting, or derive their support from private 
funds. There are s(?hools for the deaf and 
dumb, and for the blind. The latter are usually 
supported by the State. 

And although this is a chapter on schools, we 
should not fail to speak of the thousands of libra- 


THE REAL MEANING OF SCHOOLS 147 

ries all over the land—should not fail to include 
them, for they are a valuable ally of the public 
school system of the United States, and are often 
managed by the school boards of the various 
cities in which they are located. In the larger 
cities these libraries have branches which are lo¬ 
cated within certain schools themselves, making 
an ideal arrangement for teachers as well as pu¬ 
pils who wish to consult reference books at any 
time, or go as a class into the library for spe¬ 
cial study. 

Many of the States have State libraries. These 
are generally located within the State capitol 
building. At Washington, D. C., is the great 
Congressional Library, the Nation's own mam¬ 
moth and beautiful library—the finest in all the 
country. 

We have already told how, in colonial days in 
New England, the town meeting was one of the 
greatest educational forces. Now the town meet¬ 
ing has almost disappeared. But in its place 
many other means for the discussion of public 
questions have arisen. Among these none is as¬ 
suming greater importance than that of the 
school house itself. People are just beginning to 
realize that their school buildings, which have 
generally stood idle except during the school ses¬ 
sions, might have a wider use and afford an ex¬ 
cellent place for neighborhood meetings. In 


148 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

many localities, therefore, in both city and rural 
communities, the school houses have become civic 
or social centers of great influence in the educa¬ 
tion of the people through neighborhood discus¬ 
sion of public questions. Entertainment in the 
way of socials, lectures, motion pictures, and 
other things, has also been offered free of all cost 
or at a nominal price. Parents, who otherwise 
never would do so, have thus met the teachers of 
their children, seen the rooms they worked in, 
and much that has been helpful to all three parties 
has come out of the experience. 

The social center has quite naturally bred the 
evening school. So today you will find, during 
the winter, that the schools of nearly all cities of 
fifty thousand population or more, are humming 
with activity in the evening as well as the day, 
teachers are teaching, and students are learn¬ 
ing. But in the case of the evening schools, you 
will not find the same pupils. These at night 
are older, as a rule. They are the city’s work¬ 
ers—boys and girls who have had to leave day 
school and go to work before they were through 
with their educations—men and women, from the 
store, office, and factory, who are after special 
training in those branches which will help them 
to earn more at their callings—and last, but not 
least, the foreign-born, the newcomer to Amer- 


THE REAL MEANING OF SCHOOLS 149 

ica, who is doing his level best to master the lan¬ 
guage and the ways of his new neighbors, and 
become, like them, that glorious being, an Ameri¬ 
can citizen! 


CHAPTER XII 


THE STATE LEGISLATURE 

In the old days families joined into clans, and 
clans formed tribes, and finally tribes of kindred 
people were united for common defense into king¬ 
doms and nations. Somewhat after this old 
model of organization, we now have townships 
forming counties, as we have shown, and coun¬ 
ties making up into States. 

Each State, in some respects, is like a separate 
nation. It can make laws for its own people just 
as though it were independent, and these laws 
may differ radically from those in other States 
provided they do not violate the Federal Con¬ 
stitution. But no State would think of doing 
that. If it did, it would soon be called to ac¬ 
count by Uncle Sam. Thus a State can create 
new towns and counties; lay down the rules for 
local government, demanding that all towns and 
cities get all their authority from, it. It makes 
laws for the schools, and has its superintendent 
of education to direct the local superintendents. 
It also provides itself with a military force called 
the militia, and an organization of mounted po- 
150 


THE STATE LEGISLATURE 151 

lice called the constabulary, both bodies of which 
are usually well-trained and subject to call at any 
time for quelling disorders and arresting viola¬ 
tors of State laws. In the past year the con¬ 
stabularies of many States have been exceedingly 
active in running down bootleggers, or whiskey 
smugglers. The State also provides itself with 
courts for trying those arrested for breaking its 
laws. 

Every State has to keep strongly in mind all of 
the time two things—the welfare of all its citi¬ 
zens, and the protection of each one individually. 
It has the same right over its land—and its land 
is everybody’s land within its domain—as once 
belonged to a tribe or a king. It can take the 
land of any person, or his property, if it thinks 
by so doing it will be benefitting the majority. 
For instance, this has been done for various pub¬ 
lic purposes, such as the building of an important 
railroad, or removing a structure threatening the 
general health of a certain community. Gen¬ 
erally the State pays for what it takes, endeavor¬ 
ing to bring no hardship upon any man, woman, 
or child, in carrying out its plans for the ultimate 
good of all. 

You may have wondered sometimes why we 
have States at all—especially if you have had to 
stand at a blackboard and draw in their many 
boundaries in placing them on a map of the 


152 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

United States. One reason is that of conve¬ 
nience. Not only would it be placing too great 
a burden upon the Federal Government to ask 
it to look after all the little details of our town, 
township, and city needs, but it would also put 
the administration of each local government to 
great trouble to have to take a train clear to 
Washington, or send a telegram, each time per¬ 
mission was wanted to do something, or advice 
required. It is very vexatious both for Ireland 
and the British Empire, for example, that the 
Parliament at Westminster legislates for Ire¬ 
land’s local affairs. 

But the chief reason why we have States is that 
our forefathers settled this country in separate 
colonies, and with different customs. When they 
asserted their independence, the thirteen separa- 
rate colonies each had a government of its own, 
consisting of a governor appointed by the king, 
and an assembly or legislature chosen by the peo¬ 
ple of the colony. The people were not quite 
free to do as they pleased, for the royal gover¬ 
nor might veto or forbid what the legislature 
voted. 

The government of each colony was founded 
upon a charter made for it in England, which re¬ 
quired the colonists to obey the laws and gov¬ 
ernment of Great Britain. Thus the British 
Parliament could make laws, and did, which seri- 


THE STATE LEGISLATURE 153 

ously injured the interests of the colonies, while 
the latter had no delegates or representatives in 
Parliament to defend their rights. Therefore 
the colonies took matters into their own hands, 
and became independent States. Henceforth each 
chose its own governor, who represented the 
will of the people who elected him. And instead 
of having to go by the royal charter, with all its 
bitter laws, each State made its own constitu¬ 
tion. There was, indeed, a period before 1789 
when any State—as Massachusetts or South 
Carolina—had the right to establish a custom¬ 
house, to exclude goods from other States and 
thus hinder trade. This was a lamentable con¬ 
dition, truly, but fortunately for the good of all 
it was not one to prevail any great length of 
time. 

After the Federal Union was established and 
the country began to fill up rapidly with people, 
new States were settled in what had previously 
been a sheer wilderness. Florida was bought of 
Spain. The vast region, known as the Louisiana 
Purchase, and comprising the Mississippi Val¬ 
ley and the Great Northwest, was bought of Na¬ 
poleon, who then ruled France and her posses¬ 
sions. Later Texas, and a vast portion of what 
had belonged to Mexico, including California, 
were added to the National domain. From time 
to time other new lands were settled and made 


154 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

into Territories, with a temporary government, 
somewhat like the old colonies; and again, when 
these grew populous, they were admitted to State¬ 
hood. 

Needless to say, it would be quite impos¬ 
sible for all the people of a State to come to¬ 
gether, as in a town meeting, to consult or to 
make laws. For this reason they choose their 
representatives at regular intervals, according to 
the particular laws regulating this choice in each 
State. Some States, for instance, select their 
representatives yearly, some every two years, 
and others every four years. Be that as it may, 
the duty of the representatives is to meet in the 
State capitol and discuss the business of the State. 
These men constitute the State legislature. Since 
the members of the body have to give up con¬ 
siderable time, and to incur some expense, in the 
exercise of their powers, the State allows them a 
reasonable compensation, demanding in return 
faithful and disinterested service. This feature 
of salary makes it possible for poor men as well 
as the rich to serve the State actively. 

Whatever the legislature decides to do, the peo¬ 
ple must acquiesce in. If they do not like the 
action of their representatives, they have no 
other recourse than to wait till another election, 
and then choose different men who may act more 
wisely. 


THE STATE LEGISLATURE 155 

Sometimes the legislature does not wish to 
take the responsibility for some certain action. 
In this event they may refer it to the people, who 
shall vote Yes or No, Thus laws to forbid the 
sale of intoxicating liquors were sometimes re¬ 
ferred to the people, either of the whole State, 
or to the people of each city or town. The lat¬ 
ter condition was called local option, and by it 
the citizens of a certain locality could determine 
by their own vote whether or not they wished 
liquor to be offered for sale. 

The constitution of some States provides 
means, in case an act of the legislature does not 
please the people, to permit them to vote directly 
upon the subject. This political device is prov¬ 
ing more and more popular as time goes on, and 
is known as the Initiative and Referendum. It 
is a powerful instrument of the people for keep¬ 
ing their representatives in line with their best 
interests; if the legislators vote against the pub¬ 
lic sentiment, they know that they are not only 
displeasing their constituents but also jeopardiz¬ 
ing their own future political service. 

The nature of the power which the people may 
exert through the Initiative and Referendum may 
best be learned from a clause in the constitution 
of one of the States in which this feature is in 
full force; to wit: 'The legislative authority of 
this State shall be vested in a legislature consist- 


iS6 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

mg of a senate and a house of representatives, 
but the people reserve to themselves the power 
to propose laws and amendments to the constitu¬ 
tion and to adopt or reject the same at the polls 
independent of the legislature, and also reserve 
power at their own option to approve or reject 
at the polls any act of the legislature. . . . The 
first power reserved to the people is the Initiative, 
and 8 per cent, of the legal voters shall have the 
right to propose any measure, and 15 per cent, 
of the legal voters shall have the right to propose 
amendments to constitution, by petition, and 
every such petition shall include the full text of 
the measure proposed. 

“The second power is the Referendum, and it 
may be ordered (except as to laws necessary for 
the immediate preservation of the public peace, 
health, or safety) either by petition signed by 
5 per cent, of the legal voters, or by the legis¬ 
lature as other bills are enacted. . . . The veto 
power of the governor shall not extend to meas¬ 
ures voted upon by the people. . . . Any meas¬ 
ure referred to the people by the Initiative (or 
the Referendum) shall take effect and be in force 
when it shall have been approved by a majority 
of votes cast in such election. . . . The Referen¬ 
dum may be demanded by the people against one 
or more items, sections, or parts of any act of 
the legislature, in the same manner in which 


THE STATE LEGISLATURE 157 

power may be exercised against a complete act.” 

By this it will be seen that the Initiative is a 
constructive force: it enables the voters to secure 
what they want regardless of whatever ill choice 
they have made in the selection of their repre¬ 
sentatives. The Referendum is a negative or pre¬ 
ventive force: it enables voters to veto laws 
which they do not want. 

The general use of the Initiative and Refer¬ 
endum throughout the country would introduce a 
new force into American politics, and would pro¬ 
foundly change the character of American gov¬ 
ernment. In Switzerland, where the people have 
had centuries of training in public affairs, di¬ 
rect legislation has been a marked success. There 
seems little doubt but that it would be equally 
as great a factor for good here in America. More 
than fifteen States now have it, with others com¬ 
ing into the fold every year. Invariably these 
States are noted for their high average of popu¬ 
lar intelligence and strong democratic spirit; the 
foreign-predominating States will probably be 
among the last to fall in line. 

Closely associated with the Initiative and Ref¬ 
erendum is the political device known as the Re¬ 
call. The aim of this institution is to give the 
people complete control over the officers whom 
they have elected. Wherever the Recall is in use, 
the voters, upon complaint or petition of a cer- 


158 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

tain number of citizens, vote upon the question 
as to whether a certain officer shall be deprived 
of (recalled from) his office before his term ex¬ 
pires; and if the vote is in favor of the officer’s 
removal, he must give up his seat before the end 
of his term. 

When an officer is removed by the operation of 
the Recall, the vacancy is filled by holding a spe¬ 
cial election, at which the officer removed may 
be a candidate if he so desires. The Recall is 
in operation in many of the cities governed by the 
Commission form, and in some cities not thus 
governed. In several instances mayors of large 
cities have been removed through procedure of 
the Recall. In Oregon, Washington, Colorado, 
Kansas, Arizona, and California, every State of¬ 
ficial is subject to recall. The Recall is, in fact, 
a mild sort of impeachment. In case of impeach¬ 
ment the accused officer is tried by the legislature, 
whereas under the procedure of the Recall the 
accused is tried by the whole body of voters. If 
anything, the deposed man is likely to feel more 
dishonored under the Recall act than under that 
of impeachment, for the one carries the over¬ 
whelming verdict of all his fellowmen, while the 
other conveys only that of a few. 


CHAPTER XIII 


THE STATE EXECUTIVE 

There is considerable difference between the 
administration of a State and that of the Nation. 
Great power is given the President in the admin¬ 
istration of the Federal Government. He is al¬ 
lowed to appoint the heads of the departments, 
and also all subordinate officers, although some of 
the latter are appointed by him indirectly. His 
responsibility is great, in proportion to his power, 
as you might suppose. For example, if the ad¬ 
ministration of the affairs of the United States 
is successful, the President receives the lion’s 
share of the credit; if hard times should visit 
the country, to him goes the lion’s share of the 
blame. Of course he really has only a small part 
in turning the tide of national affairs, compared 
to that of the Legislature, yet, as the head of 
the Nation, people hold him largely accountable 
for results in his administration. 

On the other hand, the chief executive of the 
laws of a State—the governor—does not shoul¬ 
der nearly so much responsibility for the condi¬ 
tion of State affairs. The execution of the laws 
159 


i6o YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

here is not given to one person, or to one body 
of persons, but is intrusted to various officials 
and various bodies. The greater part of the pub¬ 
lic business in a State is administered by local 
governments, by cities and townships and coun¬ 
ties. Those laws which relate to special branches 
of State administration are distributed to State 
officers and State boards to be carried into effect, 
and very often these officers and boards are 
elected by the people and are not responsible to 
a higher authority for their conduct. But should 
such high officials commit gross wrongs, the 
State legislature may reach them through the 
right of impeachment, and, in some cases, by the 
Recall. 

The executive department of a State comprises 
all of the State officers and boards whose duties 
consist in managing special branches of the 
State’s business. Because of the fact that this 
department is organized according to the particu¬ 
lar needs of each State, we may naturally expect 
it to differ in details in the several States. Still, 
the general outlines of formation are nearly the 
sam.e in all the States. For instance, every State 
has a governor,^ a secretary of state, and a treas¬ 
urer. Nearly every State has a comptroller, or 
auditor, an attorney genera], and a superintend¬ 
ent of education. The length of the terms of 

^Thirty-three States also have a lieutenant-governor. 


THE STATE EXECUTIVE i6i 

service of these officers, the manner of their elec¬ 
tion or appointment, and their qualifications and 
salaries, differ according to the laws laid down 
in the constitution of each State. We may, how¬ 
ever, summarize in a general way the duties, in 
which there is not quite so much variation. 

The Governor. The first duty of this official 
is to see that the laws are faithfully executed. 
The governor is commander-in-chief of the mili¬ 
tary forces of the State, and he can call upon the 
soldiers to assist him in enforcing the verdict 
of a court, or in suppressing riots and disorderly 
proceedings. Very frequently he has to use this 
power in preserving the peace in the event of 
strikes. 

Whenever there is occasion for it, the governor 
must draw up a message, informing the legisla¬ 
ture of the condition of affairs in the State, and 
suggesting such methods of remedying faults as 
he may deem wise. However, the legislature does 
not have to follow these suggestions, not even 
consider them, unless they choose. Sometimes 
the legislature is not in session,—that is, the 
members have gone, during a recess, to their 
homes. Should the governor, at this time, think 
certain legislation urgent, he may summon the 
legislature to meet in ''extra session'’ and lay be¬ 
fore it the measures that demand immediate con¬ 
sideration. 


i 62 young CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


In most of the States, but not all, the governor 
is invested with power to pardon a criminal con¬ 
victed of a misdemeanor against the laws, but 
he must in all cases of this practice declare his 
motives, which must be open and above board. 
Sometimes pardons are granted for unusual good 
behavior on the part of a convict, after long im¬ 
prisonment ; sometimes because developments 
cause the executive to doubt the man’s guilt; 
sometimes, out of sympathy for relatives of the 
prisoner, who need his presence; and sometimes 
because he becomes attacked with a disease 
which threatens his life if he is continued in 
confinement. 

This pardon may be absolute, or it may be 
commuted. In the latter case, the governor short¬ 
ens the sentence term of the court which con¬ 
victed the prisoner. 

Reprieves are also granted. This document 
postpones the execution of a prisoner condemned 
to death. 

In a few States the powers of pardon, commu¬ 
tation, and reprieve, is not left to the governor, 
but is vested in a special body of officers known 
as the board of pardons. 

In every State it is the duty of the governor 
to appoint many officials whose selection is not 
otherwise provided for. When an elective offi¬ 
cial dies or resigns before his term, ends, the gov- 


THE STATE EXECUTIVE 163 

ernor fills the vacancy by appointing some one to 
serve until another election is held. He also 
issues writs of election to fill vacancies when any 
occur in the representation of a State in the lower 
branch of Congress. Should a vacancy occur in 
the United States Senate, the governor may issue 
a writ for a new election, or, if so authorized by 
the legislature, he may make a temporary ap¬ 
pointment to last until the people fill the vacancy 
by regular election. 

In case there is any hasty, corrupt, or unwise, 
legislation, it is the duty of the governor to put 
a check to it by interposing his power of veto. 
Were it not for the restraining influence of this 
power of his over the legislature, some members 
might be tempted to commit wrongs. Alto¬ 
gether the governor's veto is a wholesome weapon 
for good government, so wholesome that in only 
one State of the Union is this authority denied 
the executive. 

Numerous social duties fall to the lot of the 
governor. He opens fairs, dedicates public build¬ 
ings, presents diplomas to the graduates of nor¬ 
mal schools and colleges, and honors with his 
presence important meetings and celebrations of 
many kinds. 

The Lieutenant-Governor. When the gov¬ 
ernor is out of the State, or for any other reason 
is unable to attend to his official duties, the lieu- 


i64 young CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

tenant-governor takes his place. He is the ex- 
officio president of the Senate, and when a va¬ 
cancy occurs in the governorship he succeeds to 
the office. In the States where there is no offi¬ 
cial of this kind, the president of the senate usu¬ 
ally succeeds to the governorship in case of a va¬ 
cancy. 

The Secretary of State, This official records 
the acts of the governor, also files the laws passed 
by the legislature. He has charge of all State 
papers, of the journals of the legislature, and of 
the historical documents, statuary, paintings, 
relics, etc., of the State. He is really the chief 
clerk of the executive department, and his files 
are a very extensive arrangement, indeed. 

The State Comptroller. The financial business 
of the average State is far from a small thing, 
involving the handling of millions of dollars 
yearly without losing track of a single penny. Al¬ 
though the comptroller does not actually handle 
the money, leaving this task for the State treas¬ 
urer, he must keep an accurate account of all the 
money spent and received by the State. Not a 
dollar can be drawn from the treasury without 
his order. His chief duty is the making of plans 
for improving the income of the State by means 
of its revenue and taxes, and seeing that these 
are collected. As a rule it is his job to see that 
all collectors of revenue are responsible persons, 


THE STATE EXECUTIVE 165 

and that they are properly bonded. In a few 
States the comptroller also serves on one or more 
State boards. 

The State Treasurer. All the money paid into 
the State treasury is taken care of by this offi¬ 
cial. He is, in fact, the State’s own banker. His 
principal duties are to receive the State funds, 
place them where they will be safe, and pay them 
out when he receives an order to do so from the 
State comptroller. Like the comptroller, the 
treasurer sometimes serves on State boards. 

The Attorney-General. This official is the law 
officer of the State. He appears in court against 
State offenders, and should any executive officer 
need legal advice, all he has to do is to apply to 
the attorney-general for it, and it will be quickly 
forthcoming. 

The 'Superintendent of Public Instruction. 
Standing at the head of the public school system 
of the State, this officer reports to the governor 
or the legislature the condition of educational 
affairs through the State, visits teachers’ insti¬ 
tutes and other educational meetings, delivers 
lectures upon educational matters, inspects 
schools, suggests methods of teaching, and pro¬ 
motes the cause of education in many other ways 
too numerous to mention. In some States he 
prescribes the qualifications of teachers and is¬ 
sues their certificates, selects the textbooks to be 


i66 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


used, and supervises the distribution of the 
school funds. 

In addition to these principal officers we find in 
the different States such minor officers and boards 
as special conditions may require. Among these 
might be mentioned the following: 

State librarian, State insurance commissioner. 
State commissioner of agriculture. State com¬ 
missioner of immigration. State inspector of 
mines. State tax commissioner. State surveyor. 
State fire marshal. State commissioner of fish¬ 
eries, State game warden. State factory inspec¬ 
tor, State dairy inspector. State inspector of 
steam boilers. State vaccine physician. State 
board of health. State board of education. State 
board of dentistry. State board of medical exam¬ 
iners, State board of pharmacy. State board of 
railroad commissioners. State board of charities. 
State liquor license commissioners. State board 
of pardons. State board of public utilities and ad¬ 
jutant-general. 

It must be understood that no one State has 
all of the above officers, but every State has at 
least a few of them. And besides these major 
officials there are always to be found in the ser¬ 
vice of each State numerous deputies, secretaries, 
clerks, and other employees, who are needed for 
the efficient working of the several departments 
of State. 


CHAPTER XIV 


THE STATE JUDICIARY 

When the United States was under the rule of 
England each colony had its own judicial system. 
The judges, with the exception of those of Rhode 
Island and Connecticut, were appointed by the 
colonial governor. After independence was de¬ 
clared each State kept the system of courts to 
which it had been accustomed, but under the new 
constitutions eight of them allowed the legisla¬ 
ture to elect the judges, while five permitted the 
governor this privilege. 

It was not until early in the nineteenth century 
that a State grew bold enough—or radical 
enough, to be more accurate—to entrust the elec¬ 
tion of its judges to the people. This daring 
pioneer of democracy was Georgia. She was 
venturing upon a policy hitherto unknown in the 
history of politics, and many of the other States 
predicted the step too drastic; but Georgia was 
confident. As time went on the wisdom of her 
course became more and more manifest. The 
growth of the spirit of democracy throughout 
the land also did much to win converts to her 
167 


i68 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


side among her sister States, and here and there, 
from this corner and from that, came demands 
of the people of the other States for the privilege 
of electing their judges, as well as their other 
officers, as Georgia had been doing. At the pres¬ 
ent time, in more than three-fourths of the States 
the judges are chosen by the people. In the re¬ 
maining States they are either appointed by the 
governor or chosen by the legislature. 

In the administration of justice in the State, 
it has been found convenient in all the States 
to have at least three grades of courts. These 
are the Justice’s Court, the Circuit or District 
Court, and the Supreme Court. 

I. The Justice's Court, This court, the low¬ 
est in the series, is presided over by a justice of 
the peace. It may properly be called the court 
of the neighborhood, for in every community it 
is near at hand, always ready to mete out justice 
in small affairs. These minor difficulties cover 
such things as civil cases involving very small 
amounts of money, and other petty offenses. The 
decision of the court is usually final, but when its 
judgment inflicts a severe penalty, or involves a 
considerable sum of money, an appeal may be 
taken to a higher court. In the cities this type 
of court is generally called a police court, a mu¬ 
nicipal court, or a magistrate’s court. 

II . The Circuit or District Court, Next above 


THE STATE JUDICIARY 169 

the Justice’s Court comes this one. It may be 
called the court of the county, for it holds forth 
in the county-seat of every county of a State. 
However, the jurisdiction of the judges is not 
limited to a single county, as you might 
suppose. A circuit (or district) usually includes 
several counties, and the judges of a circuit go 
from county to county to hold court. In rural 
districts this court tries both civil and criminal 
cases. A very large city will often have an elab¬ 
orate system of such courts of its own. 

These courts of the second grade are the cen¬ 
ters of most of the judicial activity of the State. 
The more serious cases of the law are all tried 
in them. They not only have original jurisdic¬ 
tion in important criminal cases and noteworthy 
civil litigation, but they must always be ready to 
review cases appealed from the Justice’s Court. 
In their decisions the jury figures prominently. 

There are two kinds of these juries—the Grand 
and the Petit. The Grand Jury is a body of men 
varying from twelve to twenty-three in number. 
They are choSen by court officials to inquire if 
there have been any violations of the law in the 
community, and to determine whether or not the 
persons under suspicion should come up for trial.^ 

* In some States an accused person can be brought to trial with¬ 
out the intervention of a Grand Jury. Where this is done the 
prosecuting attorney determines whether a case shall be brought 
to trial. 


170 .YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

When making an inquiry into a criminal charge, 
the Grand Jury sits in secret session and hears 
only the evidence against the accused. Its func¬ 
tion is not to try the accused, but to decide 
whether on the face of things there is sufficient 
evidence of guilt to justify the trouble and ex¬ 
pense of a trial. Should a majority of the Grand 
Jury be satisfied that the case ought to come to 
trial, the indictment is endorsed with the words 
''a true bill,” and the case goes to the Petit Jury 
to be taken up. 

In all the States but one, the Petit Jury con¬ 
sists of twelve men. It sits in open session, and 
hears evidence on both sides of the question, 
according to a provision of the Federal Consti¬ 
tution. During the progress of the trial ques¬ 
tions of law are determined by the court (judge), 
the jury itself deciding only questions of fact. 
After the evidence has all been given in, and 
counsel on both sides of the case has been heard, 
the jury retires from the court-room, and is 
locked in a small ante-room, where it remains 
until it finds a verdict, or agrees to disagree. In 
the latter event, a new trial may be ordered. 
As a general rule the verdict of a jury is final. 

The members of a jury are chosen from among 
the ordinary citizens in the neighborhood in 
which the trial is conducted. As much diversity 
of occupation, religion, and nationality, is aimed 


THE STATE JUDICIARY 171 

at in their selection as possible. Thus, the aver¬ 
age jury will be found to be made up of farmers, 
clerks, mechanics, professional men, tradesmen, 
teachers, laborers, etc.,—a feature that doubtless 
makes trial by jury so popular, and insures the 
fairest kind of a decision. While the jury sys¬ 
tem, like every other human institution, has its 
defects, it is nevertheless one of the greatest 
safeguards of civil liberty ever devised. 

III. The Supreme Court. In four States— 
Kentucky, Maryland, New Jersey and New York 
—this is called the Court of Appeals. In Texas 
there are two Supreme Courts, one for civil and 
one for criminal cases. Over this court presides 
the supreme judicial authority of the State. It 
sits at the State capital as a rule, although in a 
few States it holds sessions at several different 
places in the State. The Supreme Court is ac¬ 
tive the greater part of each year, handling a 
good many cases of importance. For the most 
part its jurisdiction is appellate, or deciding cases 
which have been carried over from inferior 
courts, but there are a few instances in which it 
has the power to hear and judge new cases. As 
an example of the latter condition, we might cite 
a case in which the official action of a State officer 
is involved. 

When a decision of this court conflicts in no 
way with the Federal authority, it is final, and is 


172 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

binding upon the people of the State as long as 
the State constitution remains unchanged; but 
should the decision conflict with Federal law, it 
may be reversed by the Supreme Court of the 
United States, which sits at Washington. 

The State courts are entirely independent of 
the Federal courts. They have their own judges 
and court officers—sheriffs, clerks, and prose¬ 
cuting officers—and their own court-houses. 
They attend solely to the judicial business of 
their State and cannot be compelled to perform 
judicial duties of a Federal nature. But, as we 
have shown, their decisions may be reviewed and 
reversed by the Federal courts. When one of the 
parties to a case in a State court claims that the 
decision of the court is contrary to the Federal 
Constitution, or to Federal law, the case may be 
carried over to the Federal courts for trial; but 
when a case is wholly outside of Federal au¬ 
thority, it must receive its final settlement in a 
State court. 

We should not belittle the great importance of 
the part played in our civil lives by the State ju¬ 
diciary. By far the bulk of cases that come up 
for settlement in this country are tried in the 
State courts. Where one case is tried by the 
Federal judiciary within the State, ten are han¬ 
dled by the State courts themselves. 

A State judge h^s the power to declare a stat- 


THE STATE JUDICIARY 173 

ute of the legislature invalid on the ground that 
it conflicts (a) with the constitution of the 
United States, or (b) with a statute or treaty 
of the Federal Government, or (c) with the con¬ 
stitution of the State. 

When the case before the court is novel and 
there is no law, either customary or written, 
which will fit the case, the judge may neverthe¬ 
less render a decision; and this decision is not 
only law for the case in hand, but it will also be 
regarded in other courts of the State as the law 
for similar cases when they shall arise. Laws 
thus established by judicial decisions are dis¬ 
tinguished from those enacted by the legislature 
and are called judge-made laws or case laws. 

Judges in courts of equity—and in most States 
the regular law courts are also courts of equity 
—have the power to issue writs of injunction 
forbidding a person to do, or commanding them 
to do, a certain thing helpful to the common 
good. Should the injunction be ignored, the per¬ 
son disobeying it is liable to punishment. The 
writ of injunction is generally used to prevent 
the commission of wrongs which there would be 
no other way to reach by the ordinary workings 
of a lawsuit. Thus, if a telephone company be¬ 
gan to erect its poles upon a citizen’s property 
without his consent, a judge in a court of equity 
would, at any time of the day or night, issue an 


174 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

injunction forbidding the transgressor to con¬ 
tinue the putting up of his poles until the regular 
courts could consider the merits of the case. In 
recent cases courts have forbidden labor leaders 
to induce or coerce workingmen to strike, where 
the strike would seem to cause irreparable injury 
to the business of the employers and the comfort 
of the community in general. The use of the in¬ 
junction has met with strong opposition by the 
labor unions, being regarded by them as unwar¬ 
ranted, unfair, and protective of capital. Both 
State and Federal judges exercise the power of 
injunction. 

There are cases where State judges may issue 
the writ of mandamus. This writ is issued to an 
officer, or corporation, and requires the perform¬ 
ance of a public duty which the officer or corpora¬ 
tion has refused to perform,. Federal judges 
may also issue this order in special cases. 

In addition to these courts, there are some¬ 
times special tribunals for particular purposes: 
chancery courts, which administer equity, pro¬ 
bate or surrogates’ courts for the settlement of 
estates of deceased persons, children’s courts 
dealing with offenses committed by children, and 
courts of claims for hearing claims against the 
State. 

An account of the judicial system would not be 
complete without some consideration of the 


175 


iTHE STATE JUDICIARY 

prosecuting attorney. In most States he is an 
elective county officer, but in some instances he is 
selected for districts larger than a county. He 
represents the State in all criminal cases, and 
conducts the prosecution. He makes preliminary 
investigations into crimes, and determines 
whether a prosecution should be instituted. If 
he decides in the affirmative, he presents the case 
before the grand jury. If the grand jury returns 
an indictment—that is, declares that the accused 
should be held for trial—the prosecuting attor¬ 
ney takes charge of the-prosecution at the trial. 
In one respect his functions are similar to those 
of the counsel for the plaintiff in a civil suit. 
Yet, in another way, he is much more than that. 
He is a quasi-judicial officer who should be inter¬ 
ested most in getting at the truth and doing jus¬ 
tice whether the accused is freed or found guilty, 
regardless of the cost. In addition to performing 
his functions at criminal trials, at times he also 
represents the county in civil cases. 


CHAPTER XV 


THE PRESIDENCY-1 

A FATAL weakness of the Union, under the 
Articles of Confederation, was the absence of 
an executive to enforce the laws. The Conven¬ 
tion, however, soon decided to remedy this defect 
by establishing a strong executive department 
and vesting its powers in a President. To this 
end many plans for electing the President were 
discussed. At last a plan of indirect election was 
adopted—a plan wherein the President was to 
be chosen by State colleges of electors, the elec¬ 
toral college of each State to have a number 
of electors equal to the combined number of sen¬ 
ators and representatives to which the State was 
entitled in Congress. Each State was permitted 
to select its electors in a way agreeable to the 
Legislature. Each of the electors was to vote 
for two persons, and the person who received the 
greatest number of votes (provided it was a 
number equal to a majority of the electoral votes) 
was to be the President, and the one who stood 
second in the list was to be the Vice-President. 
If more than one person received a number of 
176 


THE PRESIDENCY—I 177 

votes equal to a majority of the electoral votes,. 
the election of the President was to be made by 
the House. 

As it was first adopted, this electoral system 
was very crude and clumsy. By the time the 
fourth presidential election was held, the system 
had broken down so signally that it was found 
necessary to amend the Constitution in order to 
save the remnants. Thus, by Amendment XII, 
which was adopted in 1804, the work of the elec¬ 
toral college was greatly simplified by making the 
election of the Vice-President an affair quite dis¬ 
tinct from the election of the President. 

Under this system—which we now have with 
us—the State legislature may appoint the electors 
itself, it may vest their appointment in some other 
body, or it may call upon the people to elect them. 
In the early days of this three-way privilege, 
various States adopted this way and that way of 
accomplishing the purpose. But to-day all 
States have become a unit in believing that the 
electors it chooses should be selected on a com¬ 
mon ticket by popular vote, and thus electors are 
established all over the land. 

It was formerly the practice for Congress, 
after having made the official count of votes for 
the election of the President, to select a commit¬ 
tee for the purpose of notifying the new execu¬ 
tive of his good fortune; but this was not uni- 


178 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

formly followed, and has now been abandoned 
altogether. Curiously enough, no official notice 
whatever is given to the President-elect. He is 
supposed to be sufficiently aware of the fact him¬ 
self, and on the fourth day of March he appears 
to take the oath of office. He usually arrives in 
Washington a few days before, and politely calls 
upon the retiring President, to pay his respects. 

On the day of the inauguration, the President¬ 
elect, in charge of a committee on ceremonies, is 
conducted to the White House, whence, accom¬ 
panied by the presiding President, he is driven to 
the Capitol. Unless the weather prevents, he 
takes the oath of office, which is administered by 
the Chief Justice of the United States, in the 
open air upon the platform built for that special 
purpose at the east front of the building. In 
case of inclement weather, the oath is taken in 
the Senate chamber. 

Following the example set by George Wash¬ 
ington, it is the practice of the President to de¬ 
liver an inaugural address setting forth his pol¬ 
icy. 

After the administration of the oath of office, 
the new President is driven back to the White 
House. Here, from a reviewing-stand, he sur¬ 
veys a long procession of government officials and 
citizens which is usually hours in filing past. 

As soon as the new President has been in- 


THE PRESIDENCY—I 


179 

stalled, he is confronted with the problem of se¬ 
lecting his Cabinet, and of filling a large number 
of minor places which are either vacant or whose 
occupants are ousted for one reason or another. 
For the post of Secretary of State it is quite 
common for him to select the member of his 
party who is generally deemed to be next to him¬ 
self in the esteem of the country. For example. 
President Lincoln called to the State Department 
Mr. Seward, who had been his chief rival for 
nomination at the convention of i860 in Chicago. 

Sometimes the new President rewards with 
Cabinet positions the men who have been espe¬ 
cially prominent in securing his election, thus 
following the custom of successful politicians of 
power in general. For example. President Har¬ 
rison appointed to the office of Postmaster-Gen¬ 
eral, Mr. John Wanamaker, who had been 
treasurer of the Republican campaign committee. 

Though as a rule the President confines his 
appointments to prominent members of his own 
party, in this way, he sometimes shows a pleas¬ 
ing strain of nobility of character by choosing 
members of the opposition who have been luke¬ 
warm in their political activity. Furthermore, 
he makes every effort consistent with a display of 
loyalty and sound business principles, to scatter 
his appointments in such a way that all the dif¬ 
ferent parts of the country will be fairly well rep- 


i8o YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


resented. In no event should he select men with 
whom he cannot work harmoniously, nor men 
who are unwilling to carry out the main lines of 
his policy. 

While the nomination of every Cabinet officer 
must be confirmed by the Senate, this body al¬ 
ways accepts the President’s election as a mat¬ 
ter of course. So, in a sense, the Cabinet may be 
regarded as the President’s retinue on whom 
he can depend for cooperation and advice in mak¬ 
ing his administration successful. 

The functions of the President are prescribed 
by the Constitution, as we have outlined else¬ 
where, but his real achievements are not set by 
the letter of the law. Rather they are deter¬ 
mined by his personality, the weight of his influ¬ 
ence, his capacity for managing men, and the 
strength and effectiveness of the party forces be¬ 
hind him. As chief executive he operates through 
a vast and complicated official heirarchy which 
centers at Washington and ramifies its skein of 
power throughout the great American empire, 
and, through the diplomatic and consular serv¬ 
ices, extends even into foreign countries. As a 
political leader he may use his exalted position to 
appeal to the nation; to sectional, class, or group 
interests; he may use his veto power against laws 
passed by Congress, he may agitate all people by 
means of his messages, and he may bring pres- 


THE PRESIDENCY—I i8i 

sure to bear in Congress and within his party 
through the discriminating use of the Federal 
patronage. Thus it happens that we do not have 
the whole office of President before us when we 
are in the presence of the Constitution and stat¬ 
utes of the United States. 

The chief duty of the President is to see that 
the Constitution, laws, and treaties, of the United 
States, and judicial decisions rendered by the 
Federal courts, are duly enforced. In the ful¬ 
filment of this business, he may direct the heads 
of departments, and their subordinates, in the dis¬ 
charge of the functions vested in them by the acts 
of Congress. The exact degree, however, to 
which he may control an administrative officer is 
frequently a subject of political controversy, and 
cannot be set down with definiteness; more de¬ 
pends upon the tact of the President than upon 
any theories of constitutional law. 

But some departments are made more directly 
subject to his control than others. For instance, 
the Secretary of State, in the conduct of foreign 
affairs, is completely subject to the President’s 
orders; and the Attorney General must give an 
opinion, or institute proceedings, when asked. 
On the other hand, when the Treasury was or¬ 
ganized in 1789, it was definitely understood that 
Congress had a special control over the adminis¬ 
tration of that Department. 


i 82 young CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


The Supreme Court has held that the Presi¬ 
dent is bound to see that an administrative officer 
faithfully discharges the duties assigned by law, 
and that he usurps no power beyond his sphere. 
He has the power to remove the head of a depart¬ 
ment who refuses to obey his orders, or who 
takes more upon his shoulders than he should. 
When President Jackson wanted the Govern¬ 
ment funds withdrawn from the United States 
Bank, he removed two Secretaries of the Treas¬ 
ury for failing to comply with his wishes. Again, 
in 1920, President Wilson asked his Secretary of 
State to resign, because he (the President) con¬ 
sidered the Secretary in question had exceeded 
his authority in calling together the heads of 
other departments while the chief executive him¬ 
self, on a sick bed, was unable to meet with them. 

Among other things, the President makes rules 
for the army and navy, the patent office, and the 
services of the customs, internal revenue, con¬ 
sular, and civil. Sometimes he issues these rules 
in accordance with provisions of the statutes, 
and sometimes under his general executive power. 

As chief executive, the President may instruct 
the Attorney-General to institute proceedings, 
against any one suspected of violating the Fed¬ 
eral laws, and in case of open resistance he may 
employ the armed force of the United States. 


THE PRESIDENCY—I 183 

Laxity or severity in law enforcement is, there¬ 
fore, largely within his discretion. 

The choice of diplomatic representatives is 
left to a great extent with the President, who 
usually has many party obligations to settle in 
this connection. Military and naval appoint¬ 
ments, especially in times of crisis, are principally 
subject to presidential control, but political in¬ 
fluences are always rife here. It is not often 
that the Senate interferes with appointments to 
the Supreme Court. 

Another group of offices filled on presidential 
nomination is composed of minor positions within 
congressional districts, such as postmasterships 
in the smaller cities and towns. It has become 
a settled question to allow the Representative, if 
he is of the President’s party, to name the ap¬ 
pointees of his district; but if he is not of the 
President’s party, the patronage goes to the Sen¬ 
ator or Senators. The task of selecting ap¬ 
pointees is usually a very vexatious one for the 
member, for he finds it difficult to please all of 
his constituents, and he sometimes makes more 
enemies than friends by his appointments. 

The President is commander-in-chief of the 
army and navy, and of the State militia when 
called into service of the United States. He 
holds this power in time of peace as well as in 


i84 young CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

time of war. The equipment of the army and 
navy, and the right to declare war, belong to 
Congress. The President appoints all military 
and naval officers by and with the advice and con¬ 
sent of the Senate,—except militia officers who 
are appointed by the respective States,—and in 
time of war he may remove them at will. But 
in time of peace they can be removed by court- 
martial only. 

The President is not limited in the conduct of 
war to the supervision of the armed forces; he 
may do whatever a commander-in-chief is war¬ 
ranted in doing, under the laws of war, to weaken 
and overcome the enemy. It was under this gen¬ 
eral authority that President Lincoln, during the 
Civil War, suspended the writ of habeas corpus 
in States which were not within the theater of 
the armed conflict. It was also under this au¬ 
thority that he abolished slavery in many of the 
States; that he arrested and imprisoned arbitra¬ 
rily those charged with giving aid and comfort 
to the Confederacy; that he established a block¬ 
ade of Southern ports, and, in short, brought the 
whole weight of the North, material and moral, 
to bear in the contest. It would indeed be diffi¬ 
cult to imagine greater military power than was 
exercised by President Lincoln in that war. 

Under his war power the President may gov¬ 
ern conquered territory, appoint officers there, 


THE PRESIDENCY—I 185 

make laws and ordinances, lay and collect taxes 
of all kinds, and exercise practically every sov¬ 
ereign right until Congress has stepped in and 
acted. The Supreme Court, however, has put 
one limitation to this power; after the ratifica¬ 
tion of the treaty with Spain, Porto Rico and 
the Philippines became a part of the United 
States within the meaning of the revenue acts, 
so that duties could not be laid by executive order 
on goods passing from, those islands to the United 
States, or vice versa. 

Under the Constitution, the United States 
guarantees to each commonwealth a republican 
form of government, and protects it against in¬ 
vasion, also against domestic violence. By act 
of Congress the President is authorized to call 
forth the militia when aid is asked in due form 
by the authorities of a State struggling against 
an insurrection. It is by statutory law also that 
the President is empowered to use the militia or 
the army and navy whenever, by reason of ob¬ 
structions, assemblages, or rebellion, it becomes 
impracticable in his judgment to enforce Federal 
law within any State or territory by the ordinary 
course of judicial procedure. In fact it was un¬ 
der this authority that President Cleveland used 
of his time. 

Federal troops in quelling the big Chicago strike 


CHAPTER XVI 


THE PRESIDENCY-II 

The President is the official spokesman of the 
Nation in the conduct of all foreign affairs. As 
such he is primarily responsible for our foreign 
policy and its results. It is true that the Senate 
must confirm his nominations to diplomatic and 
consular positions, and must approve his treaties; 
that Congress alone can create diplomatic and 
consular positions and provide the salaries at¬ 
tached to them; that in many cases it makes pro¬ 
vision for the execution of treaties. But Con¬ 
gress has absolutely no right to establish and 
conduct relations with any foreign power without 
the authority of the President. 

Many things may the President do which 
vitally effect the foreign relations of the country. 
He receives ambassadors and public ministers 
from foreign countries. He may dismiss an am¬ 
bassador or public minister of a foreign power 
for political as well as personal reasons, and if 
in the former case, he might embroil the nation 
in a costly war. He may order a ship or a fleet 
of his own country to a foreign port for any rea- 

i86 


















































$ 



THE PRESIDENCY—II 187 

son he may choose. He could move troops to 
such a position on the borders of a neighboring 
power—as Mexico—and thereby bring on an 
armed conflict, were he lacking in tact. A nota¬ 
ble instance of such an action as the last-named 
was that when, in the case of the opening of the 
Mexican War, President Polk ordered our troops 
into the disputed territory, and on their being at¬ 
tacked by the Mexicans, declared that this act 
automatically placed Mexico and the United 
States in a state of war. 

Again, in his message to Congress, it is pos¬ 
sible for the President to outline a foreign policy 
so hostile to another nation as to precipitate dip¬ 
lomatic difficulties, if not more serious results. A 
case of the kind occurred in the Venezuelan con¬ 
troversy, when President Cleveland recom¬ 
mended to Congress demands which Great Bri¬ 
tain could hardly regard as anything but un¬ 
friendly. 

The President may even go so far as to make 
^'executive agreements’’ with foreign powers 
without the consent of the Senate, the Constitu¬ 
tion requiring that only treaties shall be con¬ 
firmed by that body. For example, we will say 
that a German who is a naturalized citizen of the 
United States returns to his native country. 
While he is there, his former sovereign calls 
upon him to render his mother country military 


i88 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


service. Naturally this would bring on diplo¬ 
matic discussion between the two nations, both 
of which are claiming him. It is finally settled 
by an exchange of notes between the Secretary 
of State and the German Government, thus 
clearly constituting an international or ‘'execu¬ 
tive agreement’’ quite independent of the treaty 
clause of the Constitution. 

In addition to his administrative duties, the 
President has the power to grant reprieves and 
pardons (except in cases of impeachment) for 
offenses against the United States. No limits 
are imposed on his exercise of this power, and 
therefore it may be used as he sees fit. He may 
remit a fine, commute a death sentence to a term 
of imprisonment, or free the offender altogether; 
but when forfeiture of office is one of the penal¬ 
ties imposed he cannot restore the offender to his 
former position. Though the usual process is 
to pardon after conviction, a pardon may be 
granted before or during trial. 

While in the exercise of his power of pardon, 
the President relies, of course, largely upon the 
sentiment of others. The application for Execu¬ 
tive celemency, with all the papers attached, is 
sent to the Attorney-General, in whose depart¬ 
ment there is a pardon-clerk in charge of the pre¬ 
liminary stages of the procedure. Usually the 
judge and district attorney, under whose super- 


THE PRESIDENCY—II 189 

vision the case was first tried, are asked to make 
any statement they may choose in regard to the 
merits of the case. The opinion of the Attorney- 
General is then endorsed on the application, ad¬ 
vising what course of action should be taken, and 
the papers are sent to the President for final 
determination. If no new evidence in favor of 
the condemned man seems to have developed, 
and the sentence appears not unduly severe, the 
President refuses to interfere by exercising his 
power of pardon. It often happens that the wife 
or mother of the prisoner comes in person to 
plead for mercy, and then, to quote from Presi¬ 
dent Harrison, ‘'there is no more trying ordeal 
for a President than to have to hear her tearful 
and sobbing utterances, and to feel that public 
duty requires you to deny her prayer.’’ 

So exalted is the President’s position as chief 
executive officer, and so extensive are the powers 
of that position, that his functions as a legislator 
are often lost sight of by his commentators. He 
is required by the Constitution to give the Con¬ 
gress from time to time information of the state 
of the Union, and to recommend such measures 
as he may judge necessary and expedient. In 
the exercise of this duty, he may recommend 
laws, and even draw bills, which Congress will¬ 
ingly accepts, or which it accepts reluctantly un¬ 
der the feeling that the President has the support 


190 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

of his party throughout the country, or which it 
modifies or rejects altogether if it disapproves. 

The President’s message is the one great public 
document of the United States which is widely 
and eagerly read. Its details are as enthusias¬ 
tically discussed over the cracker barrel of the 
little general store in the smallest and remotest 
American town as they are over the ivory-topped 
table of the most fashionable metropolitan club. 
Congressional debates, in comparison, receive 
scant notice. It is true that all the better news¬ 
papers give up space to them; but every sheet in 
the land honors the President’s message to the 
fullest extent of its mechanical equipment, even 
the editorial page containing crisp and extended 
comment in the editor’s best style. 

This message is supposed—though often er¬ 
roneously—to embody in a very direct sense the 
policy of the Presidential party. It therefore 
stirs the country to its very foundations; it often 
affects Congressional elections; and if its rec¬ 
ommendations correspond with real and positive 
interests of sufficient strength, they sooner or 
later find their way into law. 

From the very nature and duties of the Exec¬ 
utive department, fhe President must possess 
more extensive sources of information in regard 
to both domestic and foreign affairs than belong 
to Congress. The true workings of the laws, the 


THE PRESIDENCY—II 


191 

defects in the nature or arrangements of the 
general systems of trade, finance, and justice; and 
the military, naval, and civil establishments of 
the Union, are more readily seen by the Execu¬ 
tive, because he has them under his constant re¬ 
view, than they can possibly be by any other 
department. Therefore, there is great wisdom 
in not merely allowing, but in requiring, the Pres¬ 
ident to lay before Congress all facts and in¬ 
formation which may assist their deliberations. 
He is thus justly made responsible for due dili¬ 
gence of examination into the means of improv¬ 
ing existing systems, as well as administering to 
them. 

The Presidential message is not always the 
work of the President alone. There are notable 
instances where it has been prepared, or partly 
prepared, by others. But he must stand for 
its contents, and attach his own signature. In 
every case, especially of the message prepared 
for the opening of Congress, the information 
contained in the document is largely furnished 
by the various Departments. The President in¬ 
corporates such of this information in his mes¬ 
sage as he sees fit. Sometimes he omits whole 
paragraphs, sometimes he condenses, and some¬ 
times he merely uses the material as a basis for 
his own conclusions. Some of President Roose¬ 
velt’s special messages were founded on the re- 


192 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

ports of commissions, and were accompanied by 
well-done illustrations; others were his own 
work, prepared in the main to force home his 
own views with regard to some particular topic 
which he wished to make of public interest. 

The power of vetoing measures of Congress, 
like that of sending messages, possesses both a 
legal and a practical aspect. Every bill or joint 
resolution must be presented to the President; if 
he signs, it becomes a law; if he disapproves, he 
must return it to the House in which it originated, 
with a statement of his objections; and the House 
must thereupon reconsider it. A two-thirds vote 
of both Houses is sufficient to carry the measure 
over the Executive veto. The same procedure 
is applied to orders, resolutions, and votes, to 
which a concurrence of both Houses is necessary, 
excepting questions of adjournment. If, within 
ten days, the President fails to return a measure, 
it becomes a law without his signature, unless 
Congress prevents its return by adjourning, in 
which case it does not become a law. When Con¬ 
gress adjourns, leaving many bills to be signed, 
the President may quietly suppress those bills 
to which he entertains objections. This act is 
known as the ''pocket veto.” 

In addition to his powers and duties, the Presi¬ 
dent enjoys certain privileges and rights. No 
tribunal in the land has any jurisdiction over 


THE PRESIDENCY—II 


193 


him, for any offense. In other phrasing, he can¬ 
not be arrested for any crime, no matter how se¬ 
rious, even the superlative crime of murder. He 
may, it is true, be impeached; but until judgment 
has been pronounced against him, he cannot be 
in any way restrained of his liberty. 

The President is entitled by right to payment 
for his services, as you will note by reference to 
Article II, section I, of the Constitution, in an¬ 
other chapter. In the beginning, the salary of 
the Chief Executive was set at twenty-five thou¬ 
sand dollars; in 1871 it was increased to fifty 
thousand, and in 1909—the last change—it was 
made seventy-five thousand. Much of this, large 
as it may seem, he must spend for social func¬ 
tions. 

Besides his personal salary, the President is 
furnished with an Executive mansion called the 
White House, where he lives with his family and 
servants. In this magnificent old colonial build¬ 
ing, surrounded with beautiful lawns and gar¬ 
dens, he has his business offices. An appropria¬ 
tion for the upkeep of the premises is allowed by 
Congress, which often reaches in one year as 
much as two hundred thousand dollars. 


CHAPTER XVII 


THE president's ASSISTANTS 

As we have stated, responsibility for the 
smooth and efficient working of the great Federal 
machine rests almost wholly upon the President; 
but in the supervision of so complex a mechanism, 
there must, of course, be assistants for him— 
chieftains of departments who are highly capa¬ 
ble for the particular kind of work they are 
called upon to do. These assistants are, in most 
cases, known as Secretaries. 

Years ago George Washington began his ad¬ 
ministration with as few as three Secretaries—a 
Secretary of State, a Secretary of the Treasury, 
and a Secretary of War. To-day, owing to 
greatly increased government business and new 
demands, the heads of the President's cabinet 
number ten, as follows: 

1. The Secretary of State. 

2. The Secretary of the Treasury. 

3. The Secretary of War. 

4. The Attorney-General. 

5. The Postmaster-General. 

6. The Secretary of the Navy. 

194 





































































































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THE PRESIDENTS ASSISTANTS 195 

7. The Secretary of the Interior. 

8. The Secretary of Agriculture. 

9. The Secretary of Commerce. 

10. The Secretary of Labor. 

Each of these Secretaries is appointed by the 
President, and is responsible to him for the 
proper management of his own particular great 
department. 

I. The Department of State, This is consid¬ 
ered the foremost of these ten departments. 
Under the management of the Secretary of State, 
it attends solely to foreign affairs. It conducts 
the negotiations which lead up to the making of 
treaties, instructs our foreign ministers and con¬ 
suls in their duties, extends official courtesies to 
the ministers from, other countries, protects 
American citizens in other lands, gives passports 
to those intending to travel abroad, and transacts 
all other business arising between our Govern¬ 
ment and other governments. 

11. The Department of the Treasury. Under 
the Secretary of the Treasury, this department 
manages the financial business of the country. 
Its duties are to collect the internal revenue and 
the customs duties; to attend to the expenditure 
of money appropriated by Congress; to issue 
Federal bonds when necessary (as in the case of 
the famous ‘Uiberty Bonds’’ of the late war) ; to 
manage the public debt; to organize and inspect 


196 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

National banks; to control the mints and super¬ 
vise the making of paper money. And in addi¬ 
tion to these services, this department also con¬ 
trols the life-saving stations on the shores of the 
seas, supervises the construction of public build¬ 
ings, and manages the marine hospitals for dis¬ 
abled sailors. 

III. The Department of War, This division 
of Government business, under the Secretary of 
War, has charge of all land soldiers. It pur¬ 
chases supplies for them, handles the transporta¬ 
tion of troops, directs the improvement of rivers 
and harbors, controls the signal service, and su¬ 
pervises the Military Academy at West Point. 

IV. The Departmejit of Justice, This is the 
great law department of the National Govern¬ 
ment, and is directed by the Attorney-General. 
Should the President, or a member of his Cabi¬ 
net, desire a bit of legal advice,—and some one 
does, almost daily,—it is quickly forthcoming 
from this branch. When the Government is in¬ 
terested in a case in court, an officer of the De¬ 
partment of Justice defends or prosecutes the 
suit. Next in rank to the Attorney-General is 
the Solicitor-General, who, under the former’s 
direction, has charge of the business of the Gov¬ 
ernment in the Supreme Court of the United 
States. 

V. The Post-Office Department, To this de- 


THE PRESIDENT'S ASSISTANTS 197 

partment, under the Postmaster-General, goes the 
duty of carrying and distributing the mails, and 
establishing and discontinuing post-offices. The 
work involves, besides the regular city distribu¬ 
tion by carrier, rural free delivery and collection 
of mails, the special delivery of important letters 
and packages on which an extra fee has been paid 
by the sender; and the collection and delivery of 
merchandise mail, known as '^parcel-post mat¬ 
ter,'' all over our own land and to about thirty 
different foreign countries. Besides this, this 
department conducts a money postal-order sys¬ 
tem by means of which, for a slight fee, money 
may be safely transmitted to practically all parts 
of the world; also operates a postal savings 
bank system whereby citizens may deposit on 
good interest, in their local post-offices, such 
savings as they may desire. 

In three cities of the country arrangements 
have been made with street car companies to 
equip their cars with mail-boxes, and to stop at 
any crossing at which a person may be waiting 
to mail a letter. In the heart of the city, a cen¬ 
tral collector secures this mail at each trip of a 
car, thus affording outlying residents fine oppor¬ 
tunity to hurry their mail on its way, and reliev¬ 
ing the regular collectors of a heavy burden. 

The post-offices sell stamps, post-cards, and en¬ 
velopes. 


198 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

VI. The Department of the Navy. This de¬ 
partment is under the Secretary of the Navy. It 
purchases naval supplies; provides for the proper 
enrollment, instruction, and welfare of its sailors; 
looks after the construction and equipment of 
vessels, surpervises the navy yards and docks, 
and controls the Naval Academy at Annapolis. 

VII. The Department of the Interior. Under 
the Secretary of the Interior, this department 
directs the work of National affairs right here at 
home. It examines pension claims and grants 
pensions; it attends to Indian affairs, handles 
the sale of public lands, issues patents and copy¬ 
rights, directs the work of the geological survey, 
concerns itself with such educational interests as 
are of National importance, superintends the 
construction and operation of irrigation works 
authorized by Congress, and investigates methods 
looking toward the safety of miners. 

VIIL The Department of Agriculture. Use¬ 
ful information about the soil in its effect upon 
the growth of vegetables, cereals, etc., together 
with the best methods for raising such crops, is 
constantly sent out by this department to the 
people of the United States, through special bul¬ 
letins and newspaper articles. Under the super¬ 
vision of the Secretary of Agriculture, the depart¬ 
ment distributes new and valuable seeds; warns 
of expected ravages of insects; educates for the 


THE PRESIDENTS ASSISTANTS 199 

proper care of cattle, swine, and sheep; has in¬ 
spection laws to protect the public from unhealthy- 
meats and milk. It has charge of the Weather 
Bureau, through which the daily newspapers get 
their weather reports, and also controls the for¬ 
ests of the United States. 

IX. The Department of Commerce. This de¬ 
partment, under the Secretary of Commerce, fos¬ 
ters, promotes, and develops, the foreign and do¬ 
mestic commerce of the country. It also, in like 
manner, looks after the mining, manufacturing, 
shipping, and fishing industries, and the trans¬ 
portation facilities of the United States. 

X. The Department of Labor. Under the Sec¬ 
retary of Labor, this branch of our Government 
looks after the welfare of the wage earners of 
the country. It improves their working condi¬ 
tions wherever possible, and advances their op¬ 
portunities for profitable employment. One of its 
main duties is to collect, collate, and report full 
and complete statistics of the conditions of la¬ 
bor, listing labor's products and their distribu¬ 
tion. It also enforces the immigration laws, and 
the laws relating to naturalization of aliens, and 
through the agency of the Children's Bureau, it 
reports upon the industrial welfare of children. 

Each of the ten departments which we have 
named has the control of a vast amount of execu¬ 
tive business. Indeed so great was this business 


200 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


that it was long ago found expedient to subdi¬ 
vide the work and place an officer at the head 
of each subdivision. A subdivision of a depart¬ 
ment is sometimes known as a division of the de¬ 
partment, but more often it is termed a bureau. 
The head of a bureau is called a director, or com¬ 
missioner, and sometimes a superintendent. 

As an example of the divisions of a depart¬ 
ment, let us name those in the Department of 
Commerce alone. We have the following bu¬ 
reaus : Foreign and Domestic Commerce, Light¬ 
houses, Census, Fisheries, Navigation, Stand¬ 
ards, Coast and Geodetic Survey, and Steamboat 
Inspection Service. 

There are a few items of executive business 
which have not been assigned to any one of the 
ten great departments. The ^york of the Inter- 
State Commerce Commission is performed by 
seven commissioners who act independently of 
any departemnt. The Civil Service Commission, 
whose duty it is to regulate and improve the civil 
service of the United States, consists of three 
commissioners who are directly responsible to 
the President. The Federal Trade Commission, 
the Federal Reserve Board, the Government 
Printing Office, the Library of Commerce, and 
the Smithsonian Institute, are also outside of de¬ 
partmental control. The chief officers in all 
cases of extra-departmental activity are nomi- 


THE PRESIDENT'S ASSISTANTS 201 

nated by the President, and confirmed by the 
Senate, just as are other principal officers. 

There are nearly five hundred thousand per¬ 
sons employed in the executive Civil Service. Of 
these nearly ten thousand are appointed directly 
by the President, and, of course, they constitute 
the leading officials, the heads of departments 
and their chief assistants, the heads of bureaus 
and divisions, the postmasters of large cities and 
towns, the chief custom house officers, the minis¬ 
ters to foreign countries, and the like. All offi¬ 
cers and employes who are not appointed directly 
by the President are appointed by the heads of 
the department. 

In 1883 Congress provided for the competitive 
examination of a large class of employes in the 
Civil Service, as it was found that the old system 
of securing help through appointment did not 
always get the best kind of men, those in power 
often securing berths for their friends because 
of their desire to do them a favor rather than 
because they were competent in the service they 
were to assume. It proved a wise move. Now, 
in those lines of service which the Civil Service 
Commission controls,—and their control is every 
year widening,—every citizen has a fair chance 
to qualify for the vacancy or vacancies to be 
filled. All over the country, post-offices from 
time to time announce the examinations to be 


202 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


held, and any one who can qualify can take them 
right there, without the inconvenience of going 
to Washington. 

This rule of giving employment only to those 
who prove themselves qualified by their own abil¬ 
ity, has extended until, at the present time, it has 
reached into almost every department of the Na¬ 
tional civil service, and embraces about two-thirds 
of all the employes. As in business or industrial 
life, every man stands on his own merits. His 
job lasts only as long as his good behavior lasts, 
and knowing this when he steps in, he is very 
likely to keep always abreast of the demands of 
his work, and render the best for his country that 
is in him. Of course the right kind of man will 
do his best at all times without threat or compul¬ 
sion ; but wherever you go, among numerous em¬ 
ployes, you will always find some of them ready to 
steal back the time they have sold, or unable to 
meet the requirements, and it is this class which 
makes it necessary for all large employers of 
labor, like Uncle Sam, to watch diligently and 
provide against. 


© Underwood & IJnderwooU 

THE U. S. SENATE CHAMBER 























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CHAPTER XVIII 


THE FEDERAL CONGRESS 

The organization of the Federal Government 
is determined by the Constitution. Article I 
provides for the Legislature, Article II for the 
Executive, and Article III for the Judiciary. In 
these articles you can learn of the qualifications 
of the officers, of the lengths of their terms of 
service, of the manner of their appointment or 
election, and of their duties and privileges. In¬ 
deed, many of the facts of Federal organization 
are stated in the Constitution so clearly and 
fully as to make it unnecessary to repeat or en¬ 
large upon them in this volume. But there are 
other important facts which we should make 
clearer. 

At the time when the Constitution was framed 
many novel ideas of government were in circu¬ 
lation. Fortunately, however, the men in at¬ 
tendance at the Convention steered clear of ideal 
schemes; they were sufficiently practical states¬ 
man to know that if their work was to be success¬ 
ful they must plan for a central government, 
203 


204 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

with its three departments,—the executive, legis¬ 
lative, and judicial,—as a pattern for the Federal 
structure. 

With this determination in rnind, the next 
problem was to provide for a Legislature. Since 
in all the States but two—Georgia and Pennsyl¬ 
vania—the legislatures were bicameral (com¬ 
posed of two chambers or branches), and since 
this type of legislature was then as now a char¬ 
acteristic institution of English-speaking peoples, 
the sentiment for a Congress of two houses easily 
carried the day. 

Then arose the question: how shall the States 
be represented in the new Congress? Shall they 
be represented as they have been under the Con¬ 
federation—one State, one vote? Or shall they 
be represented according to their wealth? Or 
according to their population? 

As you might suppose, these questions gave the 
Convention a peck of trouble. Some of the mem¬ 
bers, where their State was prosperous, wanted 
representation according to wealth; but the dem¬ 
ocratic spirit in the assembly was too strong for 
them and they failed to gain their point. At last 
Connecticut came forward with this proposal: 
Let each State, regardless of its population, be 
represented in the Senate by two Senators; in the 
House let each State be represented according to 
its population. 


THE FEDERAL CONGRESS 205 

The aged and beloved Franklin supported this 
compromise in the following homely but wise 
observation: ''When a board table is to be made, 
and the edges of the planks do not fit, the artisan 
takes ofif a little wood from both, and makes a 
good joint/’ In the end the Connecticut plan 
prevailed, and a Congress was established which 
was partly Federal and partly National. 

To-day, in the Senate, the Federal principle 
prevails, although not fully, for the two Senators 
are not required to vote together and cast a single 
vote, as they would have to do under the pure 
Federal plan. In spite of this we must look to 
the Senate for the Federal element of our sys¬ 
tem, for there a State as a State is strong. The 
twenty-five smallest States, with their three mil¬ 
lion voters, can wield more power in the Senate 
than the twenty-three largest States with their 
fifteen million voters. There is nothing unjust, 
however, in this. The decentralized features of 
our system cannot be maintained unless we keep 
the States equal in the Senate. 

In the House of Representatives the National 
principle prevails, for Representatives do not 
appear as representing States, but as represent¬ 
ing people. Yet the House is not National in all 
respects; in the event, for instance, that it is re¬ 
quired to vote for President, it votes by States, 
the representation of each State having one vote 


2o6 young CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


—a recognition of the Federal principle. More¬ 
over, a State must have at least one Representa¬ 
tive, a condition that is not required under a 
purely National system. As a whole, however, 
the House is National; its 435 members repre¬ 
sent not forty-eight States, but a hundred millions 
of people! 

When it was proposed to give to each State a 
number of Representatives proportional to its 
population, the question of enumeration arose. 
Should every human being, white and black, yel¬ 
low and red, be counted in the population as one 
person? In the northern States there were but 
few slaves; in some of the southern States there 
were, on the other hand, vast numbers of them. 
The northern States, quite naturally, were un¬ 
willing to be outnumbered by having slaves 
counted; the southern States, quite as naturally, 
wished to outnumber by counting them. 

This difference finally ended in a compromise. 
It was agreed that five slaves should be counted 
as three persons. This rule stood until it was 
made obsolete by the enactment of the Fourteenth 
Amendment to the Constitution, which provides 
that all people except untaxed Indians shall be 
counted individually. In the meantime the 
Constitution fixed the number of Representatives 
that each State was to have until a census could 
be taken. After this census, the apportionment 


THE FEDERAL CONGRESS 207 

was to be regulated by Congress in accordance 
with the results of the census. 

When the National Government was first es¬ 
tablished, one Representative was allowed for 
every thirty thousand inhabitants; but with the 
increase of population it was found necessary to 
increase the ratio of representation. This was 
done to prevent the House from becoming over¬ 
burdened from too many members. Had the 
original ratio been kept, the House of Represent¬ 
atives would now consist of three thousand mem¬ 
bers! Surely such a great body would be en¬ 
tirely too large for expeditious action. Members 
could not hear easily, could not vote readily, 
could not seat themselves advantageously. The 
present ratio of representation—211,877—gives 
a House, as we have before stated, of 435 mem¬ 
bers, which certainly is numerous enough. 

Alaska, Hawaii, and Porto Rico, have one 
delegate each in the House of Representatives, 
while the Philippine Islands have two delegates. 
These delegates have seats in the House, and 
may speak there, but they have no vote. 

In 1842 the Apportionment Act of Congress 
provided, ^'that in every case where a State is 
entitled to more than one Representative, the 
number to which each State shall be entitled un¬ 
der this apportionment shall be elected by dis¬ 
tricts composed of contiguous territory, equal in 


2o8 young CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


number to the number of Representatives to 
which said State shall be entitled, no one district 
electing more than one Representative/’ It is 
now the rule of Congress to require that Con¬ 
gressional districts shall be composed of ‘‘con¬ 
tiguous and compact territory containing as 
nearly as practicable an equal number of inhabi¬ 
tants,” each district electing only one Represent¬ 
ative except in cases wherein the State legisla¬ 
ture fails to carry out this exact provision, when 
certain or all members may be elected at large 
on a general ticket. 

Notwithstanding the intention of Congress to 
provide for substantially equal Congressional 
districts, our State legislatures have succeeded 
in creating, principally for partisan purposes, the 
grossest inequalities. For instance, a certain dis¬ 
trict in one State has shown almost sixty thou¬ 
sand voters, while another district in the same 
State has less than fourteen thousand voters. 
Many other examples equally as glaring might be 
cited. Of course many discrepancies are excusa¬ 
ble, as representation is not based on the num¬ 
ber of voters, but on the population of a district. 
Still there are numerous instances of irregular¬ 
ity, due principally to the desire of the majority 
party in each State legislature to secure as many 
of its members as possible in Congress. 

This misuse of the power of creating Congres- 


THE FEDERAL CONGRESS 209 

sional districts is known as ^'gerrymandering/’ 
It has been devised as a means by which a domi¬ 
nant party can make its own vote go as far as 
possible in Congressional elections, and cause its 
opponent’s vote to count for as little as possible. 
This is done by massing the voters of the oppos¬ 
ing party in a small number of districts, and giv¬ 
ing them overwhelming majorities there while 
the dominant party is allowed to carry the other 
districts by very small minorities. Gerryman¬ 
dering is responsible for some very curious po¬ 
litical geography. There is, for example, the 
famous "Shoestring District” in one of the 
southern States where gerrymandering has been 
used to counteract the effect of the negro vote. 
There was at one time in Illinois the "Saddlebag 
District,” comprising two groups of counties at 
different sides of the State, so connected as to 
crowd as many Democratic counties as possible 
into one district, and thus secure Republican 
seats in nearby districts by eliminating the vote 
of hostile localities. 

The term of a member of the House of Repre¬ 
sentatives is two years. It is a comparatively 
short term, and as such it has recently received 
much criticism. The system of biennial elec¬ 
tions, coupled with the practice of not assembling 
a Congress until more than a year after its elec¬ 
tion, has had a most unfortunate effect upon the 


210 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

character of that body. Ordinarily when mem¬ 
bers take their seats their term of office is prac¬ 
tically half expired; and within a year, if they 
expect to continue in Congress, they must enter 
into a campaign for renomination and election. 
This may have a double effect. It diverts the 
attention and energy of the member from his 
official duties; if he is defeated, it leaves him dis¬ 
gruntled and careless of the true principles of 
his office. It is a well-known fact, also, that no 
member of Congress can exert a considerable in¬ 
fluence during one term of service, since it re¬ 
quires a great deal of practical experience to dis¬ 
cover the mysteries of Congressional procedure 
and get a hearing from the leaders of the House. 
On the other hand, there is no provision for a 
dissolution of the House, or recall of members, 
and long terms might result in Congress fre¬ 
quently misrepresenting the country. 

Party machinery has been developed in every 
State for nominating candidates to the House of 
Representatives. Where the older methods have 
not been overthrown by primary legislation, can¬ 
didates are nominated by district conventions of 
delegates representing units of local government 
within the Congressional districts, such as coun¬ 
ties, assembly districts, townships, and city 
wards. In a large number of States, however, 
the convention system has been abolished alto- 


THE FEDERAL CONGRESS 211 


gether, and an official direct primary election is 
provided for each party. Any member of any 
party who wishes to be a candidate for Congress 
must have his name put on the party primary 
ballot by petition, and at the primary election the 
party voters are given opportunity to select from 
among the several candidates on this ballot. Rep- 
resentatives-at-large—those recently added to the 
State’s representation, and who have no regular 
district until re-districting provides one—are 
nominated by State conventions or by State pri¬ 
maries. 

For nearly a century and a quarter members 
of the Senate were elected by the legislatures of 
the several States. And for more than three- 
fourths of a century the legislature of each State 
chose United States Senators in its own way; 
but since disagreements constantly were arising 
as to the manner in which the election should be 
held, in 1866 Congress ordered that the two 
Houses of the Legislature should meet in joint 
assembly and elect by joint ballot; that if, on the 
first ballot, no person should receive a majority 
the balloting should continue from day to day 
until a Senator should be elected in due course. 

This rule did not always work well. As the 
position of United States Senator was highly 
prized, the struggle for it became so keen that 
the regular business of the Legislature was seri- 


212 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


ously interfered with, frequent votings being 
necessary very often in order to break a dead¬ 
lock. Finally it was proposed that Senators be 
elected by a direct vote of the people. To do 
this required an amendment to the Constitution. 
So, in 1912, by a two-thirds vote of both Houses, 
Congress submitted to the States for ratification 
an amendment providing for the popular election 
of Senators. In 1913 the amendment was 
adopted and became a part of the Constitution. 

The amendment provides that the two Sena¬ 
tors from each State shall be ^^elected by the peo¬ 
ple thereof for six years . . . The electors in 
each State shall have the qualifications requisite 
for electors of the most numerous branch of the 
State legislature. When vacancies happen in 
the representation of any State in the Senate, the 
executive authority of the State shall issue writs 
of election to fill such vacancies: Provided that 
the legislature of any State may empower the ex¬ 
ecutive hereof to make temporary appointments 
until the people fill the vacancies by election as 
the legislature may direct.'' 

Under this amendment it will be necessary for 
the States to make provision for the nomination 
of candidates. Those commonwealths which 
have direct primary laws applicable to Senators 
will probably continue them in force. The re¬ 
maining States may retain the convention sys- 


THE FEDERAL CONGRESS 213 

tern. If any State fails to make the requisite 
provision for the popular election of Senators, 
Congress may act under Article I, section 4, of 
the Constitution. 

The term of a Senator is fixed at six years. 
In practice Senators are far more frequently re¬ 
elected than members of the House of Repre¬ 
sentatives. Some Senators have served more 
than thirty years, and ‘^ied in the harness.’’ The 
terms of all Senators do not expire at any one 
time; the Senate is a continuous body, one-third 
of the members going out every two years, and 
it is very rare that a State is ever called upon to 
elect two Senators at the same time. 

First among the privileges of Senators and 
Representatives is perhaps that of compensation. 
In 1907 the salary of the members of both Houses 
was fixed at $7,500 per annum, to which is added 
an allowance for clerk hire, stationery, and trav¬ 
eling expenses. In the same year Congress en¬ 
acted a law forbidding corporations to make con¬ 
tributions to campaign funds in Federal elec¬ 
tions; and in 1900 and 19 ii other laws were 
passed requiring candidates for Federal offices to 
make public their receipts and expenditures both 
before and after primaries and elections. At 
present a candidate for the House of Representa¬ 
tives may expend not more than five thousand 
dollars in his own behalf, while a candidate for 


214 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

the Senate may not spend over ten thousand. 
Their friends may spend an unlimited amount, 
but under no consideration will the election be 
lawful if it is found out the candidate had a hand 
in this dispensation of excessive funds. States 
may also prosecute for a transgression of simi¬ 
lar laws within their domain, as in the case of 
the recent trial and conviction in Michigan of 
one of her Senators for criminal conspiracy with 
his friends to secure an election by the use of 
large sums of money. 

The second privilege enjoyed by members of 
Congress is that of freedom from arrest during 
their attendance on the sessions of their respec¬ 
tive Houses, and in going to and returning from 
the same, in all cases except treason, felony, and 
breach of the peace. During the periods men¬ 
tioned a Congressman cannot be compelled to 
testify in a court, serve on a jury, or respond to 
an action brought against him. 

The third privilege of Congressmen is freedom 
of speech during debate. No matter what a 
Congressman may say during a debate no mem¬ 
ber of either House shall have the right to ques¬ 
tion it in any other place. The effect of this 
privilege is to free the members from the liability 
to prosecution for libel or slander for anything 
said in Congress, or in committees, in official 
publications, or in the legitimate discharge of 


THE FEDERAL CONGRESS 215 

their legislative duties. Members of Congress 
also conclude that this privilege carries with it 
the right to circulate their speeches, not only 
among their own constitutents, but anywhere 
throughout the United States; and constant use 
of this right is employed by them. 

The difference in the organization of the two 
Houses makes it necessary to say a few words 
by way of comparison before bringing this chap¬ 
ter to a close. The Senate is, of course, the 
smaller body, being composed of ninety-six mem¬ 
bers, as against 435 members in the House of 
Representatives. Generally speaking, the Sen¬ 
ate is composed of older men—men of wider po¬ 
litical experience, as most of them have pre¬ 
viously been in some branch of State government 
qr in the House of Representatives, in addition 
to which their longer term of office tends to make 
them political experts, acquainted not only with 
the problems of law-making, but also with the 
inner workings of Federal government. 

The influence of Senators is also augmented by 
their position as party leaders within their respec¬ 
tive States. They have a large power in appoint¬ 
ing to Federal office; and sometimes they are able 
to construct political machines of extraordinary 
strength. Usually they have great weight in 
selecting party delegates to National party con¬ 
ventions, and in fact are largely responsible for 


2i6 young CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


securing a majority of office-holders in those as¬ 
semblies. The command over party resources 
within their States enables the Senators to bring 
more or less pressure to bear on the members of 
their own party in the House of Representatives. 

It is true that there are Senators whose control¬ 
ling purpose seems to be to protect and advance 
the interests of particular combinations of capi¬ 
tal in civil life, without any regard to the broader 
principles of true statesmanship or their plain 
duty as representatives of the commonwealth; 
but fortunately such men are in the minority. 
Let us hope that the future will find them elimi¬ 
nated entirely through process of still better laws. 


CHAPTER XIX 


CONGRESS AT WORK 

To most of US Congress is a vast and compli¬ 
cated legislative organ, with rules, committees, 
and methods, quite beyond our understanding; 
but a careful examination of the procedure of 
that body from day to day reveals certain prin¬ 
ciples and practices which, once grasped, make 
the working scheme of the organization fairly 
clear. 

First of all let us consider that the working 
methods of Congress are determined largely by 
the existence of two political parties. One of 
these is always a majority in control of one or 
both Houses, and regards itself as responsible 
for the principal legislative policies. The other is 
always a minority, and is in opposition, and is 
bound under ordinary circumstances to criticise, 
and often vote against, the measures introduced 
and advanced by the majority. 

Each party in the Senate and the House is or¬ 
ganized into a Congressional caucus, whose meet¬ 
ings are held behind closed doors, at which is 
frequently determined the line of party action 
217 


2i8 young CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


with regard to important legislative questions. 
At one of these caucuses, before the opening of 
each Congress, the majority in the House chooses 
the Speaker; and in similar manner the minority 
decides upon its leader whom it formally pre¬ 
sents as its candidate for Speaker, although 
knowing full well that he cannot by any chance 
be elected. In the same caucus the majority de¬ 
cides whether it will adopt the rules of the pre¬ 
ceding Congress, or modify them; and it is sel¬ 
dom that this decision is overthrown. The cau¬ 
cus is definitely organized under rules by which 
party members are expected to abide, although 
there are often a few “insurgents’’ who insist on 
acting independently on some matters.' 

In the House the directing power seems un¬ 
questionably to be concentrated in the Speaker, 
in the majority members of the Committee on 
Rules, and in the chairmen of the other impor¬ 
tant committees. The positive leadership of 
these men seems to be definitely recognized. They 
are at present gradually working toward some¬ 
thing like a Cabinet-system of government, in 
which they formulate the policies and bring the 
other party members into line by the many meth¬ 
ods known to politics. Needless to say, this is 
not a system for the best interests of the people, 
and therefore it should be abolished as soon as 
possible. 



























t, 








i 


CONGRESS AT WORK 


219 


Second, let us consider the fact that each ses¬ 
sion of Congress is confronted with an enormous 
amount of business—from, five to twenty-five 
times as much as that body can properly handle. 
Any member may introduce as many bills as he 
pleases by handing them to the clerk, if they are 
of a private nature, or to the Speaker if they are 
of a public character. He does not have to se¬ 
cure permission in advance; nor does he assume 
any responsibility for them, even though they 
may possibly involve heavy calls upon the public 
treasury. 

As each member has a large number of special 
appropriations for his own particular district, 
he is generally willing to be generous with the 
claims of other members in return for a favorable 
consideration of his own. This practice of co¬ 
operating in securing appropriations is known as 
^‘log-rolling^’—a term derived from pioneer times 
when frontiersmen helped one another in rolling 
logs for clearing and building purposes. It is 
owing to this system that National interests are 
largely subordinated to particular and local in¬ 
terests. Of course this is all wrong, as it has 
at times degraded the House of Representatives 
into a group of astute wire-pullers whose tenure 
of position and standing with their constituents 
depended, not upon their high abilities for dealing 
with issues really great, but upon the success 


220 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


with which they secured appropriations for self¬ 
ish local interests. 

But in this connection we must not place too 
much blame upon the members of Congress, for 
singly they may not be wholly at fault. Any 
one of them who should refuse to join in this 
general scramble for the division of spoils would 
find himself speedily retired by the organized 
element among his constituents, for they are gen¬ 
erally prone to measure the achievements of their 
Representative by the largeness of the appropria¬ 
tions which he secures for their district. It is 
really the system which is at fault. To this we 
must devote attack if things are to be changed 
for the better. As long as political parties hold 
the power they do today—as long as any mem¬ 
ber of Congress may introduce measures unlim¬ 
ited, carrying a charge upon the public treasury 
—just so long will the log-rolling process con¬ 
tinue its degenerate course, just so long will the 
House be so overwhelmed with business as prac¬ 
tically to destroy its functions as a deliberate as¬ 
sembly. 

Since in the House the leaders are the Speaker, 
the Committee on Rules, and the chairmen of the 
principal committees to which bills are referred, 
rules are made to provide ways by which these 
leaders can make selections of business for con¬ 
sideration, limiting the amount of time which 


CONGRESS AT WORK 


221 


may be consumed in debate upon each subject. 
These rules must enable the presiding officer of 
the House to prevent the consideration of any 
motion introduced merely for the purpose of de¬ 
laying business. They must also limit, or make 
provision for limiting, the amount of time which 
may be consumed in debating any particular ques¬ 
tion. They must provide some way by which the 
party leaders can force the consideration of cer¬ 
tain measures whenever they see fit. 

The practice of introducing measures with the 
sole purpose of creating a delay in the transac¬ 
tion of other business is called ^'filibustering.’’ 
Frequently it is used by the minority for the pur¬ 
pose of calling the attention of the country in an 
emphatic way to the policy of the majority. But 
this questionable proceeding is not put into prac¬ 
tice as much now as formerly. Since Speaker 
Reed, in 1890, refused to put motions which he 
regarded as purely dilatory, being sustained by 
the House, it has become a recognized fact that 
the object of a parliamentary body is action, not 
stoppage of action, and that it is the right of the 
majority to refuse to have these dilatory motions 
entertained at the expense of regular business. 
Hence it falls to the duty of the Speaker, as rep¬ 
resentative of the body majority, to object to all 
such proceedings as soon as he senses them. 
But it is a very difficult matter sometimes to de- 


222 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


tect the inconsistent from the consistent, as you 
may suppose, and therefore there are occasions 
when filibusters get through and perform their 
unchaste function of delaying important meas¬ 
ures. 

A second rule allows the Speaker to count as 
present those members who are physically pres¬ 
ent, but who refuse to answer to their names on 
a roll-call for the purpose of compelling an ad¬ 
journment in the absence of a quorum. 

A third rule provides a method for automati¬ 
cally shortening debate by prescribing that the 
time occupied by any member in discussing a leg¬ 
islative proposition shall not exceed one hour. 
If he choose, a member may yield a portion of his 
time to some other member or members wishing 
to speak; but only with the unanimous consent of 
his fellow-members may he carry over the hour; 
neither may he speak twice upon the same meas¬ 
ure unless he introduced it, or is the member 
reporting it from a committee. 

There is a fourth rule which enables party 
leaders to force the consideration of certain 
measures whenever they see fit by allowing cer¬ 
tain committees to report on certain subjects at 
any time during the course of the procedure of 
the House. These committees and subjects are 
as follows: Committee on Rules—may report on 
rules, joint rules, and order of business. Com- 


CONGRESS AT WORK 


223 


mittee on Elections—may report on the right of 
a member to his seat. Committee on Ways and 
Means—may report on bills raising revenue. 
Various committees having jurisdiction over ap¬ 
propriations—may report on the general appro¬ 
priation bills. Committee on Rivers and Harbors 
—may report bills for the improvement of rivers 
and harbors. Committee on Public Lands—may 
report bills for the forfeiture of land grants 
to railroad companies and other corporations 
bills preventing speculation in public lands, and 
bills for the reservation of the public lands for the 
benefit of actual and bonafide settlers. Com¬ 
mittee on Territories—may report on territorial 
business, bills for the admission of new States. 
Committee on Enrolled Bills—may report on this 
subject in general. Committee on Pensions— 
may report on general pension bills. 

The Senate also has its code of rules, but it has 
not adopted any of the drastic methods you will 
find in the House. Ordinarily the method of ob¬ 
struction in this body is prolonged speaking, and 
the member endowed with the most forcible and 
enduring vocal accomplishments has the best 
chance of preventing a measure from coming to 
vote, thus compelling the majority to capitulate. 

This practice of unlimited debate in the Senate 
often has an important influence on the course 
of legislative business. A Senator may have 


224 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

some particular appropriation in favor of his 
State which he wishes to insert in the general ap¬ 
propriation bill; and toward the closing hours of 
the session he may threaten to block everything 
by exercising his right to speak indefinitely until 
the Senate yields. This must necessarily bring 
the House to terms also; on more than one oc¬ 
casion the House has been forced either to ac¬ 
quiesce in an appropriation which it did not favor, 
or incur the risk of having some of its important 
measures held up by recalcitrant Senators. 

The direction of business in the Senate is in 
the hands of the chairman of the majority caucus 
and his immediate friends. And the general di¬ 
rection of legislative business in both Houses is 
vested in an unofficial “steering committee,'’ com¬ 
posed of several leading Senators and the six 
majority members of the House Committee on 
Rules. 

As a part of the system by which the two 
Houses endeavor to deal with the enormous mass 
of business coming before them, there has been 
evolved an extensive scheme of standing com¬ 
mittees. The legislative work of each House is 
largely done by committees, each of which is con¬ 
trolled by a majority of members representing 
the dominant party. Besides the standing com¬ 
mittees mentioned, there are select committees 
which are appointed from time to time to deal 


CONGRESS AT WORK 


225 

with specific matters, these being dissolved 
soon as their business has been finished. 

Since the beginning of our Government there 
has been an almost steady increase in the num¬ 
ber of committees, until now there are close to 
seventy in the Senate and sixty in the House. 
Each committee has a well-furnished office, and 
many ‘^perquisites’’ not to be despised by mem¬ 
bers of Congress. The natural pride of each 
member leads him to an endeavor to be assigned 
to some important committee, so there is always 
a sufficiency of men for all committees. 

The committees vary greatly in importance. 
In the House of Representatives the leading com¬ 
mittees are on ways and means, appropriations, 
rules, banking and currency, interstate and for¬ 
eign commerce, rivers and harbors, military af¬ 
fairs, naval affairs, post-office and post roads, 
public lands, labor, and pensions. In the Senate 
high rank is taken by the committees on appro¬ 
priations, finance, commerce, foreign relations, 
judiciary, military affairs, naval affairs, inter¬ 
state commerce, and pensions. 

Prior to 1910 all standing committees were 
appointed by the Speaker of the House to which 
they belonged, but in that year this system was 
changed in favor of an election by the House 
itself. Up to 1912 it was also customary to as¬ 
sign all of the important chairmanships to mem- 


226 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


bers who had seen long service, but of late in¬ 
coming new members have been more recognized. 

It is in the committee-room, usually behind 
closed, doors and secure from public scrutiny, 
that the real legislative work is done. Every bill, 
important or unimportant, is first sent to the 
committee whose duty covers its subject-matter. 
Friends as well as opponents of the measure are 
frequently admitted to state the reasons for 
their positions, while hearings may even be held 
at various points throughout the country in case 
of necessity, and witnesses required to appear, 
very much in the same manner as in a courtroom. 

On purely party measures, such as the tariff, 
the majority members of the committee draft the 
bill, and when the measure is complete, they may 
invite the minority members in to vote on it as a 
matter of form. On any measure referred to it, 
the committee may recommend its adoption, may 
amend it, may report adversely, may delay the re¬ 
port indefinitely, may ignore it altogether—as it 
wishes. In the House it rarely happens that a 
member is able to secure the consideration of a 
bill which the committee in charge opposes; but 
in the Senate a greater freedom is enjoyed in this 
respect. 

The division of each House of Congress into 
a large number of separate committees leads to 
many deplorable results. These committees work 


CONGRESS AT WORK 


227 


with little or no reference to one another; there 
is a consequent wasteful overlapping and dupli¬ 
cating of interests which often lead to ill-ad¬ 
judged and conflicting legislation. Within re¬ 
cent years even very important measures have 
been forced through, as they have come from 
committee, without serious debate or a single 
amendment, speaking in eloquent terms of the 
disastrous results that must follow the present 
system. 

At the opening of a new Congress, the House 
of Representatives is called to order by the clerk 
of the last House. He calls the roll, and finding 
a quorum present, announces that they are ready 
for the nominations for Speaker. The majority 
and minority put forward their candidates. After 
the majority’s nominee is duly ratified, he takes 
the oath of office, which is administered by the 
member longest in continuous service of the 
House. The roll is called by the clerk, and the 
Representatives go forward to be sworn in. The 
other officers are chosen, whereupon the Presi¬ 
dent of the United States, and the Senate, are in¬ 
formed that the House is ready for business. 

The Senate differs from the House in being 
a continuous body. At each new Congress only 
one-third of its members are renewed. The pre¬ 
siding officer, the Vice-President, takes the chair. 
In case of his absence a president pro tempore 


228 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


performs his duties. The newly-elected Senators 
are called in alphabetical order by the Secretary 
of the Senate, and each Senator in turn is 
escorted to the presiding officer’s desk, usually by 
the colleague from his State, and there takes the 
oath of office. The President of the United 
States, and the House of Representatives, are 
then duly notified, and the Senate is also ready 
for work. 

Sometimes a committee of the House co¬ 
operates with a similar committee of the Senate 
in the preparation of a bill. If the matter is very 
important, and the President of the United States 
is interested, he may join with some of the com¬ 
mittee members in preparing the bill; and promi¬ 
nent party leaders not in office may be consulted. 
A caucus of party members may be held on the 
bill even before it is introduced. 

Upon their introduction, all public bills are 
referred by the Speaker to the appropriate com¬ 
mittee which, as stated elsewhere, may hold hear¬ 
ings and give the matter such attention as it sees 
fit. The committee may report the bill favorably 
to the House unamended, or it may amend it and 
report it thus, or it may report unfavorably, or 
it may neglect it altogether. 

The important committees, which may report 
at any time, report from the floor. Other com- 


CONGRESS AT WORK 


229 

mitees report by laying their documents on the 
clerk’s table. 

Unless it is a highly privileged matter, a bill, 
when reported, is placed on a calendar for de* 
bate, according to the rules. 

All public bills raising revenue or authorizing 
the appropriation of money or property, are con¬ 
sidered in the committee of the whole house. In 
this form one hundred constitute a quorum, and 
the Speaker resigns the chair to some other mem¬ 
ber. 

Such bills as are not required to be considered 
in the committee of the whole House are read a 
second time when they are reached on the calen¬ 
dar, and are then open to discussion and amend¬ 
ment in the House. The third reading usually 
takes place by title, and the question is put by 
the Speaker as a matter of course. 

When a bill has passed either House, it is 
transmitted to the other body for consideration. 
If the second House passes the bill thus brought 
in, the Senate is notified; the measure is then 
signed by the President of the Senate and the 
Speaker of the House, and is sent to the Presi¬ 
dent of the United States for his signature. If 
he approves the bill, he notifies the House in 
which it originated of his action, and sends it to 
the Secretary of State for official publication. If, 


230 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

on the contrary, he vetoes the measure, he returns 
the bill to the House in which it originated, with 
a statement of the reasons for his action, unless 
that body has adjourned. In the latter event he 
holds it until the next session. 


CHAPTER XX 


THE FEDERAL JUDICIARY 

Under the Articles of Confederation, Congress 
had full power to settle disputes between States 
as to boundaries, and to decide cases involving 
charges of piracy or felony committed on the 
high seas. But since there was no Executive to 
enforce these decisions, the judicial power of the 
old Government was a mere pretense of au¬ 
thority, quite incapable of inflicting punishment 
in the cases it tried and pronounced at fault. 

The framers of the Constitution completed the 
machinery of the new Government by establish¬ 
ing a judicial department which was wholly in¬ 
dependent of all other departments and equal to 
them in rank and dignity. They regarded, in¬ 
deed, the independence of this third great de¬ 
partment of Federal administration as of the 
highest importance. The new Federal judges 
were to administer justice not only between man 
and man, but between State and State. Even 
conflicts of section with section might reach a 
settlement in the decisions of the new Judiciary. 
For this reason it was quite necessary that a 
231 


232 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

Federal judge, in rendering a decision, should 
fear neither the opinion of the President nor 
Congress, that he should not be influenced by his 
own or any other political party, and that, in 
order to preserve in him as faithful a perform¬ 
ance of office as possible, his tenure of service 
should be dependent upon his good behavior 
rather than a certain length of time. As a mat¬ 
ter of fact, however, politics do play a part in 
the composition and conduct of the Judiciary, for 
the Federal courts are largely creations of the 
Legislature, and whatever has to do with this 
body must of necessity flavor of political in¬ 
fluence to a greater or lesser extent. 

The Constitution of the United States makes 
only slight reference to the structure of the Fed¬ 
eral courts. It merely provides that the judicial 
power of the country shall be vested in one Su¬ 
preme Court and in such inferior courts as Con¬ 
gress may from time to time ordain and estab¬ 
lish. It is thus within the power of Congress to 
determine the number of judges in the Supreme 
Court, and to create any additional tribunals it 
may deem necessary. 

While Congress may not remove the judges of 
an inferior court, except by the process of im¬ 
peachment, it may get rid of them by abolishing 
the court altogether. This was actually done in 
1802, during Jefferson’s administration, when the 


THE FEDERAL JUDICIARY 233 

Republican Congress repealed the law of the pre¬ 
ceding year creating sixteen Circuit judgeships 
which President Adams had filled with Federal¬ 
ists on the last night of his term. Of course Con¬ 
gress cannot abolish the Supreme Court; nor can 
it remove any of its judges except by impeach¬ 
ment, or reduce their salaries during their terms 
of service. But it may, by political methods, 
^^pacU^ the Supreme Court very much as the 
House of Lords of England can be packed if it 
should refuse to adopt a measure passed by the 
Commons. It may reduce the number of judges 
by providing that, on the death or resignation or 
removal of any judge, the particular judgeship 
shall be abolished, as was done in 1866 to pre¬ 
vent President Johnson from filling vacancies. 
Again, it may increase the number of judges in 
order to secure the appointment of men known 
to entertain views pleasing to it in regard to cer¬ 
tain forthcoming legislation. 

Furthermore, Congress may influence, in a 
way, the judicial department by refusing to pro¬ 
vide the requisite number of inferior courts or 
adequate processes. But with the exception of 
two or three instances, the Judiciary has not been 
controlled by any of these methods, and it there¬ 
fore enjoys, for practical purposes, a high degree 
of independence from Legislative interference. 

All Federal judges are nominated by the Presi- 


234 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

dent ^nd appointed by the advice and consent of 
the Senate. In the case of the inferior courts 
this method of appointment is a matter of prac¬ 
tice rather than of Constitutional law. The Con¬ 
stitution provides that the President and Senate 
are to appoint the judges of the Supreme Court; 
but authorizes Congress to vest the appointment 
of such ^'inferior officers” as it thinks proper in 
the President alone, in the courts of law, or in 
the heads of departments. By uniform practice, 
however, it is settled that the judges of the in¬ 
ferior Federal courts are not ^'inferior officers” 
whose appointment may be taken from the Presi¬ 
dent and Senate and vested in some other au¬ 
thority. 

At the head of the Judiciary stands the Su¬ 
preme Court, composed of nine judges—a Chief 
Justice and eight Associate Justices. Six judges 
must be present at each trial, and a majority is 
necessary for a decision. The salary of the Chief 
Justice is $15,000, and of the Associate Justices 
$14,500. Usually the Court holds its session from 
October till May in the chamber of the Capitol 
formerly occupied by the United States Senate. 
The most important business that comes before 
it involves questions of Constitutional law which 
are brought up from lower Federal courts, or 
from State courts, on appeal or by writ of error. 

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THE FEDERAL JUDICIARY 235 

judges in the arguments of attorneys, or in 
printed briefs, or in both manners. As presented, 
a case contains a statement of the facts involved 
in the controversy, and the arguments of the at¬ 
torneys on the law and facts. It is the duty of 
each justice to examine into these points, and 
to apply the law in settling them. After each has 
looked at the case independently, a conference is 
held at which the various points are discussed at 
length until a decision is reached. Thereupon 
the Chief Justice requests one of his colleagues 
to prepare what is called ''the opinion of the 
court,’' which contains the conclusions reached. 
This opinion is subjected to the close scrutiny of 
all the judges, and after a careful revision it is 
printed and placed on record as the solemn and 
final decision of the Court. Any judge who 
agrees with the judgment of the majority, but 
who bases his conclusion on other arguments than 
those put forward in the opinion, may prepare 
what is called a "concurring opinion,” in which 
he sets forth his own reasons for reaching the 
same end. Therefore, in some instances a ma¬ 
jority of the Court may agree that a particular 
case shall be decided in favor of the plaintiff (or 
defendant), but each justice may assign different 
reasons for his own action. 

In like manner, in all important cases, it is also 
the practice for the minority of the judges who 


236 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

disagree with the conclusion reached by the ma¬ 
jority to prepare a ''dissenting opinion/' setting 
forth their reasons for believing as they do. 
Often of recent years many crucial cases involv¬ 
ing Constitutional law have been decided by the 
narrowest of margins—five to four. 

The opinions thus rendered by the judges are 
officially published under the title United States 
Reports, The last few years these, for a single 
term, have constituted three and sometimes four 
volumes. They form the great authoritative 
source of information on the historical develop¬ 
ment and present status of Constitutional law. 

Next in importance to the Supreme Court are 
the Circuit Courts of Appeal, of which there are 
nine—one in each of the great circuits into which 
the United States is divided. This type of court 
was established by Congress in 1891 for the pur¬ 
pose of relieving the Supreme Court somewhat 
from its pressure of business. The act did not 
create a new set of judges in this instance, but 
employed judges from the lower Federal courts 
to do the appeal work. By a reorganizing statute 
of March 3, 1911, provision however was made 
for separate judges for the Circuit Court of Ap¬ 
peals. These are now known under the title of 
"Circuit Judges." Those circuits having a large 
amount of business are given four judges; the 
smaller circuits are allowed two judges, and the 


THE FEDERAL JUDICIARY 237 

remaining circuits get along with three. These 
judges are appointed by the President and Senate. 
Each circuit is supervised by one of the nine jus¬ 
tices of the Supreme Court. 

A Circuit Court of Appeals has the right to 
review, by appeal or on writ of error, decisions 
in the lower District Courts, and in a large per¬ 
centage of cases its decision is final. Thus it de¬ 
cides controversies between aliens and citizens, 
suits between citizens of different States, and 
cases arising under oatent. revenue, and criminal 
laws. 

At any time the Circuit Court of Appeals may 
ask the Supreme Court for instructions on any 
point of law; and the latter may call up the case 
and decide it, or may inquire by writ of certiorari 
into final causes pending in the Circuit Court. 

The lowest Federal tribunal is the District 
Court. The whole country is laid out into some 
eighty or ninety districts, and in each of these 
there are appointed by the President and Senate 
one, two, three, or four, district judges, accord¬ 
ing to the amount of business to be transacted. 
Each of the more sparsely populated States con¬ 
stitutes a single district; other States are divided 
into two or more districts. The State of New 
York—one of the largest—is divided into four 
districts. 

Again, each large district is usually divided 


238 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

into ‘‘divisions/’ and the law prescribes the dates 
and place for holding terms of the District Court 
within each division. This information is avail¬ 
able to any person who seeks it from Federal offi¬ 
cers in his community. 

The matters which may be brought to trial in 
a Federal District Court are so numerous and 
various in character that we will not attempt to 
enumerate them all here. It is enough to state 
that the jurisdiction of this type of court em¬ 
braces, among other things, all crimes and of¬ 
fences cognizable under the authority of the 
United States; cases arising under the internal 
revenue laws, postal laws, copyright privileges, 
proceedings in bankruptcy; all suits arising un¬ 
der any law regulating the immigration of aliens, 
or under the contract labor laws; also all suits 
and proceedings arising under any law to protect 
trade and commerce against restraints and 
monopolies. 

In the closest relation to the Judiciary are the 
Department of Justice and the great army of 
United States attorneys and marshals in the 
judicial districts in the States and Territories. 
The head of the Department of Justice is the 
Attorney General of the United States, who is 
the chief law officer of the Federal Government, 
as we have stated elsewhere. This officer repre¬ 
sents the United States in matters involving legal 


THE FEDERAL JUDICIARY 239 

questions; he gives his opinion and advice when 
they are required by the President or the heads 
of his Cabinet; he exercises a general direction 
over the United States attorneys and marshals in 
all judicial districts; he provides special counsel 
for the United States when the need exists. You 
will see, therefore, that the enforcement of Fed¬ 
eral laws in general depends largely upon the ac¬ 
tivity and good purpose of the Attorney General, 
or rather upon the pressure brought to bear upon 
him by the President. 

In each of the judicial districts there is a 
United States district attorney. This officer rep¬ 
resents the Government in the prosecution and 
defense of cases arising within his district, just 
as the city attorney represents the municipality 
in civil cases. There is also in each district a 
marshal, assisted by a number of deputies, whose 
duty it is to enforce the orders of the Federal 
courts, to arrest offenders against Federal law, 
and to assist otherwise in the execution of that 
law. Both the district attorney and the marshal 
are appointed by the President and the Senate. 

The Supreme Court has been called '‘the guar¬ 
dian of the Constitution."'’ Of course the real 
guardians of the Constitution are the people 
themselves, yet the Supreme Court may do much, 
and has done much, to preserve our fundamental 
laws in all their integrity. The place of this 


240 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

Court as a defender of the Constitution is seen 
in its power to declare as void and without force 
all acts which are repugnant to the Constitution. 
If a State law, or a law of Congress, seems to 
the Supreme Court to conflict with the Constitu¬ 
tion, that great tribunal will declare the law un¬ 
constitutional, and it will be promptly squelched.' 
An unconstitutional statute is an unlawful law— 
a law which should not have been made—a law 
which can bear no fruit—a barren, useless thing 
of no power itself, and, therefore quite incapable 
of exerting the slightest legal influence upon af¬ 
fairs of State or Nation. 

When the Supreme Court declares an act of 
Congress unconstitutional we see the Judiciary 
undoing the work of the Legislature, and at first 
thought we are inclined to accuse the Judiciary of 
assuming more power than belongs to it. But 
when we look at the matter closely we find that 
this is not so. Courts of law, whether low or 
high, are established to settle disputes between 
litigants. They do not seek cases, but wait until 
cases are brought to them. And when a case is 
once brought into court the judge must settle it 
strictly according to law. His will, his prejud¬ 
ices, his preferences, must not enter at all 
into his decision. He must consider: First, the 
laws of the State legislature. Second, the laws 
of the State constitution. Third, the laws of 


THE FEDERAL JUDICIARY 241 

Congress. Fourth, the laws of the Federal Con¬ 
stitution. If there is a conflict between two laws, 
the lower law must give way. If the conflict is 
between a law of Congress and the Constitution 
of the United States, the former must give way 
because the Constitution is the supreme law of 
the land. 

So when the Supreme Court decides that a law 
of Congress is unconstitutional it does only what 
a justice of the peace might do; it selects from 
conflicting laws the law of greatest authority, 
and forthwith renders a decision in accordance 
with this law. There is, however, this great dif¬ 
ference between a justice of the peace declaring 
a law of Congress unconstitutional and a similar 
decision of the Supreme Court: there is an ap¬ 
peal from the decision of the justice, but there is 
no appeal from the decision of the Supreme 
Court. 

Just because the Supreme Courtis verdicts are 
final in this way, we should not get the idea that 
it has the last word on any and every Constitu¬ 
tional question, and that its decisions shall be 
binding forever and ever. The last word is al¬ 
ways with the people. In its opinions the Su¬ 
preme Court simply voices the will of the people 
as it is expressed in the Constitution. If the peo¬ 
ple do not care to go on in the old ways they have 
selected, all they have to do is To change the old 


242 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

for the new, as one would discard a threadbare 
coat for a bright one of new pattern. In other 
words, their dissatisfaction can easily be erased 
by simply amending the Constitution themselves, 
to meet their present needs. Then will the Su¬ 
preme Court fall in line by instantly recognizing 
the amendment as the supreme law of the land, 
and then will it render judgment in accordance 
with the letter and spirit of the amendment. 


CHAPTER XXI 


TAXATION AND FINANCE 

The Constitution gives Congress a general 
power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, 
and excises. Congress is also authorized to coin 
money and regulate its value, also to borrow 
money when the necessity arises. 

Subject to certain rules, which we shall con¬ 
sider later, there is no limit on the amount of 
taxes Congress may lay. The Supreme Court 
has nothing to say in this regard; if the power 
to tax is exercised oppressively, the remedy for 
the wrong rests with the people who choose the 
Legislature. 

The Constitution expressly points out some of 
the restrictions it exercises on this power to tax. 
It is provided that all duties, imposts, and excises, 
shall be uniform throughout the United States; 
and under an interpretation of the Supreme Court 
a uniform tax is one which falls with the same 
weight upon the same kind of object wherever 
it may be found. In other words, a citizen of 
certain possessions who is living in Florida shall 
243 


244 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

be taxed the same amount as a citizen of similar 
possession who is living in Maine or California; 
location (so long as he is within the United 
States), or personality, does not influence the 
situation in the least. 

Another express limitation on the taxing 
power of Congress is that direct taxes (except 
income taxes) shall be apportioned among the 
States according to their respective numbers. 

Still another provision is that Congress shall 
not lay a duty or tax on articles exported from 
any State, and that, in the regulation of com¬ 
merce and revenue, no preference shall be given 
to the ports of one State over those of another. 
To prevent discrimination between States, it is 
further stipulated that vessels bound to or from, 
one State shall not be obliged to enter, clear, or 
pay duties, in the ports of another. 

Supplementing these express limitations there 
is an important implied restriction of the Con¬ 
stitution on the taxing power. This makes it ap¬ 
parent that Congress is not expected to tax the 
instrumentalities or the property of any State. 
For example, during the Civil War a tax was 
levied on the gains, profits, and income, of every 
person in the country; a judge in Massachusetts 
refused to pay the tax upon his income which 
was derived from the commonwealth, and the 
Supreme Court upheld him in his refusal, declar- 


TAXATION AND FINANCE 245 

ing that the Federal Government was thus taxing 
an instrumentality of a State. 

Broadly speaking, there are two forms of taxes 
in the United States—direct and indirect taxes. 
At present there are three kinds of direct taxes 
—the poll-tax, the land-tax, and the income-tax. 
The latter became Constitutional by an amend¬ 
ment in 1913, and authorized Congress to lay 
taxes upon private incomes from all sources 
without reference to any census or enumeration. 

Indirect taxes, which are subject only to the 
rule of uniformity, may be said to include excise 
taxes upon commodities, such as whisky and to¬ 
bacco; customs duties imposed upon goods com¬ 
ing into the United States from foreign coun¬ 
tries; taxes upon inheritances; license taxes on 
occupations; duties on the sale of commodities, 
such, for example, as the stamp tax laid upon 
proprietary articles during the Spanish-Ameri- 
can War; stamp taxes such as those on checks, 
mortgages, and other papers; and, apparently, 
taxes on incomes not derived from real or per¬ 
sonal property. 

Except in time of war or stoppage of revenue, 
it has been customary for the Federal Govern¬ 
ment to rely upon indirect taxation as its chief 
source of revenue. It was the intention of the 
framers of the Constitution that indirect taxes 
should be the principal reliance of the Nation for 


246 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

funds. In common with all statesmen they 
recognized the natural dislike of the people for 
any form of tax which must be paid directly out 
of their own pockets in lump sums to the Gov¬ 
ernment. Moreover it is a much simpler task to 
collect money by indirect tax. Therefore, the 
United States now derives its revenues from two 
prime sources—customs duties laid upon imports 
coming from foreign countries, and internal 
revenue or excise taxes laid on spirits, tobacco, 
and the like. 

The Sixteenth Amendment, previously re¬ 
ferred to, and passed in 1913, lays a tax of one 
per cent upon private incomes above $3,000, with 
an increasing rate on incomes over $20,000 a 
year, and with certain exemptions. Any person 
supporting a wife or husband is allowed a $4,000 
exemption; and incomes from Government bonds. 
Federal, State, and local, are exempt. 

The Constitution definitely provides that all 
bills raising revenue shall originate in the House 
of Representatives, but authorizes the Senate to 
propose or concur in amendments as in the case 
of other bills. In spite of this the influence of 
the Senate in shaping revenue legislation has 
been steadily on the increase, until now it frankly 
assumes the right of initiating revenue measures. 

The actual work of preparing revenue bills in 
the House is assigned to the Committee on Ways 


TAXATION AND FINANCE 247 

and Means. Tariff measures are drawn up by 
the members of the committee representing the 
party which has a majority in the House. When 
it becomes apparent that the temper of the coun¬ 
try is demanding a revision of the tariff, the 
House of Representatives usually authorizes the 
committee to gather information preparatory to 
the adoption of the new schedules. 

It is a common practice for the committee to 
hold many sessions which are attended by the 
representatives of the various industries of the 
Nation, as well as by consumers and other per¬ 
sons interested in the tariff, who advance their 
respective claims for protection or for reduction, 
as the case may be. As soon as the majority 
members have gathered all the evidence they de¬ 
sire, and thoroughly considered it, they draw up 
a complete bill which is sometimes discussed in 
the full committee. Since a tariff bill is always 
a political measure, the minority members on the 
committee are generally not consulted at all, and 
may in fact know nothing about the exact pro¬ 
visions of the bill until it is reported to the House. 
They may protest in a report of their own, but it 
seldom is of any avail. 

When a revenue bill is reported to the House 
by the chairman of the Committee on Ways and 
Means, it is debated in the committee of the whole 
on the state of the Union. At first the discus- 


248 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

sion is quite general. It is then followed by a 
debate on details, under the five-minute rule. As 
the discussion proceeds, from time to time the 
Committee on Ways and Means will report 
changes, as the astute party leader, or chairman, 
perceives the points on which it seems to him 
good policy to yield. The bill, as modified under 
the searching debate, is generally passed by the 
House under ^^the previous question.’’ 

The measure next goes to the Senate, where it 
is promptly referred to the Committee on 
Finance, which has, as a matter of fact, been busy 
upon its own bill and has watched with close at¬ 
tention the progress of the discussion of the 
House. After making amendments, or substi¬ 
tuting practically a new bill, the committee makes 
its report to the Senate. The debate in that body, 
as we have seen, is practically unlimited; and the 
consequence is, the tariff measure receives far 
more penetrating criticism there than in the 
House. 

Following its passage in the Senate, the bill is 
returned to the House. The latter promptly 
votes, as a rule, not to concur in the Senate 
amendments, and asks for a conference. There¬ 
upon the Speaker appoints the chairman of the 
Committee on Ways and Means, and some other 
members, to represent the House, and the pre¬ 
siding officer of the Senate selects the chairman 


TAXATION AND FINANCE 249 

of the Committee on Finance, and certain other 
members, to represent that body. Then the Con¬ 
ference Committee begins a series of sessions 
which always end in a compromise, the Senate 
yielding some of its amendments, and the House 
giving up some of its own. In the event of a 
deadlock, very often the President is called in 
for his opinion, which has a great influence in 
many cases. 

When the Conference Committee has come to 
an agreement, its report is immediately submitted 
to the House, where it is passed without amend¬ 
ment. Then it goes to the Senate, where it is 
likewise speedily accepted. Last it is sent to the 
President for his signature. 

Appropriation bills, unlike revenue bills, are 
not prepared by any single committee in the 
House of Representatives, but are entrusted to 
a number of committees. This is because the ex¬ 
tensive amount of business done in this line can¬ 
not adequately be handled otherwise. At the 
present time there are no less than fourteen gen¬ 
eral appropriation bills to be cared for periodi¬ 
cally, and for the preparation of these seven 
standing committees have been appointed. 

Not only do the respective committees on ap¬ 
propriations have great difflculty in securing 
proper estimates for public expenditures, but 
they are under constant pressure from every 


250 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

hand to increase the amounts which they recom¬ 
mend to the House for adoption. When a new 
bureau is created, for instance, it inevitably 
wishes to widen the scope of its work and to in¬ 
crease for the purpose the salaries of its em¬ 
ployees. Army and naval officers are ever alert 
for larger appropriations for their service. Then 
there is the interminable list of appropriations 
forced upon Congress through 'log-rolling,” such 
as appropriations for post-offices, naval stations, 
docks, harbor improvements, and other public 
works which redound to the advantage of specific 
localities. 

The collection of the revenue is entrusted to 
two branches of the Treasury Department. One 
of these has charge of the customs duties; the 
other has control of the internal revenue. 

For the collection of import duties, the coun¬ 
try is divided into customs districts, each having 
a port of entry and a set of officials. The latter 
include the collector, the appraisers, special 
agents, inspectors, etc. The internal revenue and 
the revenue from income taxes are under direct 
charge of the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, 
who is appointed by the President and Senate. 

The revenues of the United States in taxes, 
fees, postal charges, etc., are stored in Washing¬ 
ton, and in nine subtreasuries located, respective¬ 
ly, in New York, Philadelphia, Boston, Balti- 


TAXATION AND FINANCE 251 

more, Chicago, Cincinnati, New Orleans, St. 
Louis, and San Francisco. In addition the Secre¬ 
tary of the Treasury is authorized to put por¬ 
tions of the public funds into certain National 
banks (designated as ''depositories’’), on the 
basis of United States bonds or other satisfac¬ 
tory security. 

A power of this nature in the hands of the 
Secretary of the Treasury is an enormous one, 
as it makes it possible for him to give or withhold 
the aid of the Government in time of stringency. 
Secretary Shaw made it his custom to come to 
the aid of the money market whenever a crisis 
was threatened, by distributing funds among the 
banks whose surplus reserves had run low. This 
immediately relieved conditions; a large amount 
of Government money was placed in circulation, 
much foreign gold was secured from the banks 
as security, and the tide was turned again. In 
the panic of 1907, Secretary Cortelyou per¬ 
formed a like service to avert a threatened 
calamity, and succeeded. However, the intimate 
relation which this custom establishes between 
the Government and private interests is full of 
grave peril, and whenever possible our states¬ 
men steer clear of it. 

As has been stated, the Constitution gives 
Congress power to coin money and regulate its 
value, and also to borrow money. 


252 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

Let it be observed that Congress is not ex¬ 
pressly authorized to issue paper money in any 
form. In fact Congress avoided such a step 
until the financial stress of the Civil War finally 
induced it to make the venture. Thus was paper 
money issued and declared to be lawful tender 
in every way for the payment of all debts, public 
and private, except duties on imports, demands 
against the United States, and interest payable in 
coin. 

As might be supposed the constitutionality of 
this law was speedily tested. In its decision the 
Supreme Court held that an act making mere 
paper promises to pay legal tender in the dis¬ 
charge of debts previously contracted for was 
not a means appropriate and necessary, and was 
inconsistent with the spirit of the Constitution. 
After a reorganization of the Supreme Court the 
case was again presented, whereupon the verdict 
of the first tribunal was reversed, and the act de¬ 
clared Constitutional. 

The power over the monetary system is vir-. 
tually exclusive in Congress, for the Constitu¬ 
tion definitely states that no State can coin 
money, nor can it make legal tender anything 
but gold and coin of the United States, nor emit 
bills of credit. A bill of credit has been defined 
by the Supreme Court as a paper medium, issued 
by a State on its own authority, and designed to 


TAXATION AND FINANCE 253 

circulate between individuals and between the 
Government and individuals for the ordinary pur¬ 
poses of society. Later, however, this limitation 
was interpreted in such a way as to authorize 
the issue of paper money through a public cor¬ 
poration in which the State was the sole or prin¬ 
cipal stockholder. The order forbidding States 
to emit bills of credit was substantially annulled, 
and an enormous amount of State bank paper, 
often without a sound currency basis, was put 
into circulation with such ill results that, in 1866, 
Congress passed an act imposing a tax of ten 
per cent annually on State issues. This forced 
the States out of the paper money business. 

The money of the United States now falls into 
two groups—paper and coin. The former em¬ 
braces United States notes which are in circula¬ 
tion under the redemption act of 1879, placing 
them on a gold basis; treasury notes, issued un¬ 
der the act of 1890 for the purchase of silver 
gold certificates,—produced whenever the reserve 
in the Treasury is above $100,000,000,—and Na¬ 
tional banknotes. 

A banknote is a promissory note, payable on 
demand, made and issued by a bank, intended to 
circulate as money. Whether a banknote will 
circulate as money or not depends upon the 
reputation of the bank issuing it and upon its 
ability to pay the note when presented. A United 


254 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

States note (greenback) is a form of paper 
money issued by the Federal Government, and 
is based upon the credit and good faith of the 
country. 

The preparation of the paper money of the 
United States is in charge of the Bureau of En¬ 
graving and Printing in the Department of the 
Treasury. A special paper is used, and the notes 
are made up of two layers between which are laid 
silk threads, to make the bill less likely to tear in 
handling, and more difficult to duplicate on the 
part of counterfeiters. 

The coins made include gold pieces in denomi¬ 
nations of $20, $10, $5, and $2.50. The silver 
coins at present coming from the mints are: In 
silver, the 50-, 25-, and lo-cent pieces; in other 
and baser metals, the 5-cent piece (nickel), and 
the cent. The dollar is no longer coined. 

These coins are made at three United States 
mints—Philadelphia, San Francisco, and New 
Orleans,—and the initial letter of each mint ap¬ 
pears upon every coin it produces. Visitors are 
welcome at the mints, accompanied by guides, to 
witness the production of metallic money. Dur¬ 
ing the St. Louis Exposition, in 1904, the Gov¬ 
ernment made a public display of its currency 
making procedure which was very interesting. 

In 1783—an important date in our coinage his¬ 
tory—Congress discontinued the free coinage of 


TAXATION AND FINANCE 255 

silver, and established as the unit of value the 
gold dollar weighing 23.22 grains of fine gold, 
with one-tenth of alloy to prevent excessive wear. 
About this time immense quantities of silver were 
discovered in Nevada, and the production of sil¬ 
ver increased while the demand for it at the mints 
lessened. The result was that, in the years fol¬ 
lowing 1873, there was a marked decline in the 
value of silver as compared with gold. 

In 1878 Congress, to rejuvenate silver, passed 
an act providing that the Government should buy 
several million dollars’ worth of silver bullion 
each month, and coin this into silver dollars which 
should be full legal tender. Under this act a 
great deal of silver was coined. For twelve years 
this law continued in force, when it was repealed 
and a law known as the “Sherman Act” passed. 
The latter provided that the Secretary of the 
Treasury should each month purchase at its mar¬ 
ket value 4,500,000 ounces of silver, and pay for 
the same with treasury notes. Under this law 
36,000,000 silver dollars were coined and $156,- 
000,000 of treasury notes issued. 

In 1893, owing to the government of India 
holding back its own issuance of silver, the value 
of the latter was lowered all over the world. The 
same year the gold reserve, which the United 
States Government kept on hand to redeem, the 
treasury notes and the greenbacks, began to di- 


256 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

minish alarmingly. This and other discouraging 
factors produced the impression that the Secre¬ 
tary of the Treasury would not long be able to re¬ 
deem the treasury notes and greenbacks in gold. 
Almost frantic at the thought, the holders of 
these kinds of currency presented them in large 
sums for redemption, always demanding gold, as 
a silver dollar was then worth but sixty-seven 
cents. The ‘Tun” on the treasury was success¬ 
fully met, but the financial world was in a tremor 
of fear that the gold reserve would become ex¬ 
hausted. As a consequence the clause of the 
Sherman Act dealing with the periodical purchase 
of silver bullion was repealed, and thus the issue 
of the treasury notes ceased. 

Coinage has been on a gold basis since 1893. 
No silver bullion has been purchased at the mints, 
although a considerable portion of that remain¬ 
ing on hand at the time of the repeal of the Sher¬ 
man purchasing clause has been coined as Con¬ 
gress has directed from time to time. 

Under a law of 1900 gold was made the stand¬ 
ard unit of value, with no provision for the 
coinage of silver from bullion other than that 
which was already in stock, except in the case 
of subsidiary coins. Silver dollars and silver 
certificates, however, are still legal tender, and 
the Government has declared itself as desirous 
of keeping them, on a parity with gold. 


CHAPTER XXII 


THE REGULATION OF COMMERCE 

Generally speaking, commerce may be said 
to consist in the exchange of goods, merchandise, 
,or property, of any kind. All governments find 
it necessary to regulate commerce. In the United 
States power in this respect is divided between 
the State and the Federal Government. Con¬ 
gress regulates foreign commerce, interstate 
commerce, and commerce with Indian tribes. 
The State regulates all commerce carried on 
within its own boundaries. 

Before taking up the matter of foreign com¬ 
merce, let us consider domestic commerce, or 
that within our own country. This is made up 
of interstate commerce and intrastate commerce. 
The distinction between these is not easy to indi¬ 
cate. Broadly speaking, when a commercial 
transaction begins in one State and ends in an¬ 
other, that transaction is a subject of interstate 
commerce. But when a commercial transaction 
ends in the same State in which it begins, it is a 
subject of intrastate commerce. As .a further 
257 


258 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

illustration, if a merchant ships his goods to a 
point in any other State than his own, he in¬ 
dulges in interstate commerce; if, on the other 
hand, he ships his goods to a point within his own 
State, he is operating under intrastate commerce 
conditions. A railroad which has the whole 
length of its tracks within a certain State, cannot 
be regarded as being engaged in interstate com¬ 
merce; but a railroad whose tracks enter other 
States must be so regarded. 

Again, a river lying wholly within a State, and 
having no connection with bodies of water out¬ 
side of that State,—something that seldom oc¬ 
curs,—can be used only for intrastate commerce. 
Should the river communicate navigably with 
other navigable bodies of water in other States, 
it is, of course, an instrument of interstate com¬ 
merce. 


INTRASTATE COMMERCE 

The power of the State over commerce which 
concerns its own people is unlimited. All the 
States make it a custom to permit great freedom, 
in commercial transactions in order to promote 
the growth of commerce, without which no com¬ 
munity could thrive long. Since commerce is 
largely a matter of transportation, the State does 
everything it can to keep up and improve its lines 
of travel. 


REGULATION OF COMMERCE 259 

Thus highways in county, town, and city, be¬ 
come an important factor; the broader and 
smoother they are, the better wagons, trucks, 
and other merchandise-carrying vehicles can 
pass along them. The farmer must get to town 
with his produce in the easiest and quickest way; 
the manufacturer and merchant in town must 
have well-paved streets in order to move his goods 
to the wholesaler, jobber, retailer, or consumer. 
So important are good roads that in some States 
the State government has taken the control of 
them out of the hands of local authorities. In 
other States, a certain percentage of the cost of 
constructing new roads and repairing others is 
met by the State, the county bearing the rest of 
the cost. This policy of State-aid is having a' 
stimulating effect in the rapid improvement of 
highways, and is coming into wider and wider 
use every year. 

Next to the highways themselves, steam rail¬ 
roads and electric railroads are the most im¬ 
portant instruments of State commerce. Ordi¬ 
narily railroads receive their charters from the 
State in which they originate, although several 
transcontinental lines have been chartered by 
Congress, owing to their National character. 
There are times when the State assists with 
money in the construction of a railroad. But 
as a rule it keeps away from the practice, allow- 


26 o young CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


ing private enterprises to furnish the capital and 
operate the roads. 

Still the State cannot well let these corpora¬ 
tions have everything their own way in the con¬ 
duct of so powerful a public utility as a railroad. 
If the private owners chose they could tie up the 
lines and stagnate the business of the whole 
State, if not the whole Nation. So, in two-thirds 
of the States, there are controlling bodies known 
as State railroad commissions. These commis¬ 
sions see that the railroads do not favor one 
locality or one individual over another; in other 
words, that fair play is dispensed not only in 
service but in fares and rates. They also insist 
upon adequate service at all times for all com¬ 
munities, demand the publication of carrier rates, 
and the strict adherence to the laws of the State 
constitution. In some States the railroad com¬ 
mission even determines where and when new 
stations are to be located, and supervises the con¬ 
struction of crossings. Municipalities themselves 
usually are given the privilege of making laws 
regulating the speed of trains, their obstruction 
of crossings, whistling, and menace to life at 
street crossings. 

It may surprise the average person to know 
that the sending of a telegraphic or telephonic 
message is considered by the Government as an 
act coming under the head of commerce, but such 


REGULATION OF COMMERCE 261 


it is. The mails also are included. Should a 
message by wire or air be sent to a destination 
within the State, it is a matter of State control; 
but when it is sent from one State to another it 
is an affair of interstate commerce and comes 
under the jurisdiction of the Federal Govern¬ 
ment. Thus, although the telegraph or telephone 
company operating the system may be a private 
corporation, their methods have to conform to 
the laws of the branch of government under 
which they operate. 

As for the mails, we have already treated of 
this subject in a foregoing chapter, and further 
reference is unnecessary. 

INTERSTATE COMMERCE 

During the period of the Confederation, com¬ 
merce between the States was subjected to many 
burdens as well as inconveniences. There was so 
little distinction in the different classes of com¬ 
merce, and so much rivalry between States that 
goods brought into one State from another were 
treated as if they were goods from a foreign 
country. When the New Jersey farmer carried 
his produce to the New York markets he was 
compelled by the tax-collector of New York to 
pay a tax before he could sell. When a vessel 
from, Philadelphia sailed into the harbor of Bos- 


262 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


ton, its master was likely to be asked to pay 
tonnage before he could unload his cargo. 

The Constitutional Convention of 1787 gave 
to Congress its first complete power to regulate 
commerce between the States. This meeting re¬ 
sulted in laws being passed which forbade a State 
to lay tonnage or any export or import duty 
without the consent of Congress, confining its 
power in regard to commerce wholly within its 
own boundaries. 

The power of Congress over interstate com¬ 
merce is complete and decisive. It extends to 
every means of carrying on such commerce—to 
railroads, rivers, lakes, canals, even the air, and 
to persons themselves, and the articles constitut¬ 
ing the shipment or exchange. Within its bound¬ 
aries a State can regulate its commerce in its 
own manner, but goods and passengers that are 
on their way from one State to another come un¬ 
der the supervision of the Federal Government. 

Furthermore, under the provisions of the inter¬ 
state commerce clause a State is not permitted 
to discriminate by taxation or otherwise against 
residents of other States, or against business car¬ 
ried on by them in the State. A State can inter¬ 
fere with interstate traffic only so far as it may 
be necessary to carry on the work of its police in 
criminal cases. 

In order to remedy evils that had been creep- 


REGULATION OF COMMERCE 263 

ing into interstate commerce for some time, in 
1887 Congress established a body known as the 
Interstate Commerce Commission. This was 
given very substantial powers with regard to the 
regulation of railroads. The law which created 
this body requires that freight and passenger 
rates shall be just and reasonable, that there 
shall be no discrimination between persons and 
localities, that there shall be proper facilities for 
the interchange of traffic between connecting 
lines, that no free interstate passes shall be given 
out, that all railroads print and make public their 
freight and passenger rates. There is also a 
supplemental law, passed in 1903, which forbids 
rebates, or the giving of discounts to large 
shippers. 

The powers of the Commission were enlarged 
in 1906 by an act of Congress which permits the 
Commission to annul a rate which it regards as 
unjust or unreasonable, and to fix a new rate 
which it regards as just and reasonable. Again, 
in 1910, Congress empowered the Commission to 
make investigations upon its own motion. 

FOREIGN COMMERCE 

Under the Confederation, commerce with 
foreign nations was in a confused and disordered 
condition. Each State had its own custom-house. 


264 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

and levied such duties and imports as it took a 
notion. Of course under these conditions there 
was no uniformity in the custom rates; this pro¬ 
moted a feeling of intense rivalry, if not jealousy, 
resulting in a veritable commercial war between 
the several large ports along the seaboard, which 
proved very disastrous to all parties concerned. 

To remedy these evils, the Convention of 1787 
placed the regulation of foreign commerce wholly 
in the hands of the National Government. It 
may have been asking a good deal of a great port 
like New York to give up all its custom-house 
receipts, but patriotism was a strong feature of 
that Convention, the law was passed, and, be it 
said to their credit, not one State grew sullen 
over the loss of its former revenue. 

The power of Congress over foreign com¬ 
merce is limited in only two particulars: First, 
it must deal fairly with all ports of the country, 
and not give one port a preference over another. 
Second, it must not lay any tax or duty on articles 
exported from any State. 

The power of the Government to regulate com¬ 
merce is construed very broadly. It extends not 
only to the goods exchanged and to the agencies 
of transportation, but also to the movement of 
persons. As a consequence, in the exercise of 
its constitutional power Congress can prohibit 
foreign commerce altogether. This was actually 


REGULATION OF COMMERCE 265 

done in 1806, when, by a non-importation act, 
no foreign goods were allowed to enter an Amer¬ 
ican port. The following year an embargo act 
prohibited vessels leaving the harbors of the 
United States with merchandise for other coun¬ 
tries. 

There are many regulations of Congress in 
respect to foreign commerce. The most impor¬ 
tant of these refer to the tariff, to shipping, and 
to immigration. 

It has always been the policy of the United 
States to raise a large part of the National 
revenue by means of a tariff or duty laid on im¬ 
ported goods. Such questions as the following 
would quite naturally occur to us were we our¬ 
selves planning receipts of this kind: On what 
principle shall the tariff be laid? Shall every 
imported article be taxed at the same rate? or 
shall there be a difference—some taxed low and 
some taxed high? Shall some kinds of goods 
come in free of all tax? 

Since the beginning of our first taxation of 
imports, there has been a great difference of 
opinion among the people as well as statesmen 
in regard to these very questions. In fact so im¬ 
portant has the tariff matter appeared that it has 
become one of the leading party issues in politics. 
Out of all this controversy has come two opposing 
elements—the ‘Tree-traders’’ and the ‘Trotec- 


266 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


tionists/’ The adherents of the free-trade policy 
believe that there should be duties imposed upon 
foreign goods coming into this country, but that 
such duties should be levied solely with a view of 
raising the necessary revenue, not for the purpose 
of keeping the goods out of the country by pro¬ 
hibitive tariffs, that domestic goods may be with¬ 
out foreign competition. The adherents of the 
protective policy believe, on the other hand, that 
duties should be levied more for the sake of pro¬ 
tecting home trade than for purposes of acquire¬ 
ment. 

The first act that was passed by Congress 
relating to foreign commerce imposed moderate 
duties on the commerce of all nations. Its main 
design was to raise revenue, which was then 
greatly needed, although it had mild protective 
features in addition. Following the War of 1812 
English manufacturers rushed their products 
upon our markets in great quantities. To shut 
out some of these goods and protect American 
manufacturers a duty of twenty-five per cent was 
placed upon woolen and cotton articles, and thirty 
per cent upon certain other commodities. These 
relatively high duties were not imposed, of 
course, for the sole purpose of raising additional 
revenue, but rather for the protection of the 
domestic market. 

In 1824 the tariff rates were again increased, 


REGULATION OF COMMERCE 267 

this time to an average of thirty-seven per cent. 
This jump was occasioned largely by the rapid 
growth of the iron industry in Pennsylvania, by 
heavy crops in the agricultural districts of the 
West, and by the expansion of manufacturing in¬ 
dustries in New England. The producers wished 
to dispose of these goods in the home market at 
as high a price as possible, and saw no way to do 
this unless similar products from abroad, evolved 
under cheaper labor conditions, could be kept out 
by a more threatening tariif than had heretofore 
existed. Their appeal to Congress was a forcible 
one, and resulted in the favorable way for them 
which we have stated. 

By four years later politics had gotten a good 
hold of the tariff situation, and Congress passed 
a new act bringing the average rate on manufac¬ 
tured goods up to forty per cent, and raw mate¬ 
rials also received a boost. This act did not please 
the South, which from the first had opposed the 
measure as one likely to injure its large export 
trade with England in cotton, hemp and tobacco. 
In 1832 the influence of the South was largely 
responsible for an overhauling of the tariff, and 
an effort was made to appease these States by in¬ 
creasing the rate on woolen goods and some other 
articles needed on the plantations. 

However, this did not satisfy the planters. 
South Carolina even threatened to secede from 


268 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 


the Union if the tariff on cotton, hemp and to¬ 
bacco were not reduced. Congress effected a 
compromise in 1832, passing a bill which provided 
for a gradual reduction of the tariff. By 1842 
the average duty was not more than twenty per 
cent. 

The Civil War brought renewed increases in 
the duties until, in 1864, the highest rate ever 
reached had been attained. This was forty-seven 
per cent. But in 1890 the McKinley bill added 
more duty still. A slight reaction occurred in 
1893, when the Democratic party was restored 
to power, and the Wilson bill removed all duty 
on wool. 

In 1897 the Republican party again came into 
prestige and passed the Dingley bill, which again 
placed wool on the duty list and went even further 
in regard to some other goods than the McKinley 
bill had done. In 1909 the Payne tariff bill 
slightly reduced some of the schedules of the 
Dingley law, which was followed by yet greater 
reduction in 1913 under the Underwood mea¬ 
sure. 

In its regulation of foreign trade Congress has 
always done all it could to protect and promote 
American shipping interests. Only vessels which 
have been built in the United States, and which 
belong to citizens of this country, have any right 
to be registered as American ships. Moreover, 


REGULATION OF COMMERCE 269 

no vessel except one officered by Americans is 
privileged to fly the American flag. 

All ships engaged in foreign trading must pay 
a tax on every ton of cargo their vessel can carry, 
according to rating. Foreign-owned craft must 
pay a higher rate than domestic-owned craft. 
The latter type of vessels cannot engage in coast¬ 
ing trade, nor trade with any insular possessions 
of the United States. The primary purpose of 
the light-house and life-saving services is to as¬ 
sist shipping by preventing wrecks and rescuing 
those who are unfortunate enough to have been 
wrecked. The Weather Bureau, and Coast and 
Geodetic Survey,—by contributing weather fore¬ 
casts and charts, respectively,—also do much to¬ 
ward promoting commerce by sea. 

As we have stated, immigration is also looked 
after by Congress, since passengers as well as 
trade are included under the head of commerce. 
During the greater part of our history we have 
encouraged people coming into this country from 
other lands, for in the development of our coun¬ 
try it seemed wise to secure all the brain and 
muscle we could get. If we had not allowed 
immigration, the greater part of America would 
still be a wilderness. 

But there are drawbacks to nearly all things. 
So with immigration. Many diseased foreigners 
began to come among us. Some were insane. 


270 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

Some had vicious habits. Some were escaped 
criminals. Some came only for the purpose of 
preying on the thrifty. Others were so wild and 
lawless they began at once to work secretly to 
overthrow society and all peaceful, contented 
conditions. 

So bad did the situation become that, in 1882, 
Congress defied a treaty with China and pro¬ 
hibited Chinese laborers from coming to the coun¬ 
try. In the same year Congress ordered that the 
character of all immigrants be looked into upon 
their landing, and demanded that all convicts, 
idiots, lunatics, beggars, anarchists, and others 
not able to care for themselves properly, should 
not be admitted. To further discourage the 
poverty-stricken and incapable, a tax of fifty 
cents a head was placed upon every immigrant. 
Later this was increased to four dollars a head. 

These measures have had some influence in 
checking immigration, but they have apparently 
relieved the problem, only a little. Many unde¬ 
sirable foreigners still come to our shores every 
week; the country, especially during the trying 
period of the late World War, suffered greatly 
from their depredations, and it would seem that 
much stronger measures to regulate their ad¬ 
mittance among us must soon be taken by our 
Government if our beloved land is to thrive and 
prosper as it has done in the past. 


CHAPTER XXIII 


NATIONAL DEFENSE 

Every nation has its enemies, those without 
and those within. A foreign power, impelled by 
avarice, ambition, revenge, or envy, may take a 
notion to wage war upon us at any time. Or right 
in our midst a lawless element may suddenly 
threaten the security of our lives and property. 

There is only one way to preserve peaceable 
relations with these would-be enemies. That way 
is to keep so strong and so ready that they will 
be afraid to assail us. 

The Boy Scouts of America have a good motto 
in this respect. It is “Be Prepared.’’ Once fully 
prepared, an individual, or a nation, is ready for 
anything. Preparation does not necessarily in¬ 
sure against defeat, but it surely goes further 
toward placing a combatant or a combatant-to-be 
on the side of victory than any other single 
agency in the whole wide world. The doctrine 
that we should passively fold our arms and not 
resist an attack upon our persons, or an invasion 
of our country, is contrary to the teachings of 
experience and to the needs of human happiness 
271 


272 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

and existence. Glad will we be when the day 
comes when there shall be no lawlessness and no 
wars, but until that time all nations must be pre¬ 
pared to meet force with force at short notice. 

Only is a nation’s defense complete when it 
has reached that stage of perfection that makes 
it possible for it to hurl its whole strength against 
the enemy in the most telling manner. Congress 
looked at the situation in this way long years 
ago; had it not done so America would probably 
be a colony of some other nation to-day. 

In order to secure the strength which comes 
from united and harmonious action, the Consti¬ 
tution gave to the Federal Government the power 
to raise and support armies and navies, and make 
rules for their control. Under these provisions 
a State may not engage in war with a foreign 
power, except in case of actual invasion. Con¬ 
gress having sole power to declare a condition of 
hostilities. Prior to 1787 the declaration of war 
had been left entirely with the President. 

The instruments of National defense are the 
Army and Navy. 

THE ARMY AND MILITIA 

The Department of War and the office of the 
Secretary of War were created by an act of Con¬ 
gress in 1789. The first regular army consisted 
of only a few thousand men—a force just suffi- 


NATIONAL DEFENSE 


273 

cient to keep the Indians in order. As time went 
on the army was increased. In 1920 we had an 
army of 15,974 officers and 201,511 enlisted men. 
Two years before, we put into the field, by special 
enlistment and conscription, as many as three 
and a half million men; but in times of peace our 
army has always been small, in fact ridiculously 
small as compared with the immense standing 
armies of the great powers of Europe, where 
compulsory military training has long been in 
vogue. But Congress has always, in this respect, 
held the idea that it is best to maintain a regular 
army no larger than is consistent with National 
safety. It is held that since the army is always 
under the sole control of the President, if it 
were unusually large it might be used—as the 
German army was recently used by the Kaiser— 
to crush out popular rights and establish a 
tyranny. 

Moreover a standing army is maintained at 
an enormous expense. The soldiers as a class 
produce nothing themselves, in time of peace, 
which is helpful to their country, and, worst of 
all, consume a large portion of what the civilians 
create, thus laying a heavy burden upon the lat¬ 
ter. 

Congress has the power to provide for a large 
army or a small one, as it sees fit; but this privi¬ 
lege cannot extend over a period of more than 


274 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

two years, as then new appropriations have to be 
voted. In placing this limitation upon Congress 
the Constitution makes it impossible for a large 
standing army to be imposed permanently upon 
the people without their consent. 

The regular army is recruited by volunteers, 
mostly through recruiting stations located in 
various large cities of the country. These men 
enlist for a period of seven years. The first four 
years are put in in active service with the colors. 
The remaining three years finds the volunteer 
in the reserve army—out of service and uniform, 
a private citizen in all respects save that he is 
liable to call at any time. 

The army is distributed among several depart¬ 
ments and divisions. Each of these great de¬ 
partments has its headquarters, its fortifications, 
barracks, and homes for officers, at various points 
in the country, and is in command of either a 
brigadier-general or a major-general. 

When the regular army is found to be too 
small for an emergency, or too far removed, 
the Federal Government may call the militia to 
its aid. This body of soldiery is the largest of 
all. The fact of the matter is it consists of 
practically every able-bodied man in the United 
States who is between the age of eighteen and 
forty-five. The militia at large is divided into 
two classes; the organized militia, known as the 


NATIONAL DEFENSE 


275 

National Guard, and the Reserve Militia, which 
IS composed of citizens in general. Enlistment 
in the National Guard is purely voluntary, the 
members serving without pay but being provided 
as State expense with uniforms, weapons, and 
other service paraphernalia, also an armory or 
barracks in their home town. Members join 
largely for social purposes. They are under no 
restraint except during drill, parades, etc., and 
may live in their homes and work and earn the 
same as any citizen. 

The ordinary man would be surprised if you 
told him that he belonged to the Reserve Militia, 
but such is the fact. 

Congress further provides that the Secretary 
of War may provide for the participation of the 
organized militia in the maneuvers and field prac¬ 
tice of the regular army. To this end, the Fed¬ 
eral authorities detail officers to attend encamp¬ 
ments of the State militia; and in 1907 they in¬ 
augurated a plan of having the militia participate 
with the regular troops in their exercises at cer¬ 
tain places. Thus we have had established a com¬ 
bination of a regular army, always on duty and 
ready for service, with a State soldiery which 
may not be quite so well trained but which are 
far more skilled in the art of war than the ordi¬ 
nary citizens, and which in case of emergency 
could do much in the way of bolstering up the 


276 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

National defense as well as taking care of State 
troubles. 

Another branch of the army of the United 
States in war time has been composed of special 
volunteers. Most of us know that, in the War 
of 1812, and the Mexican, Civil, Spanish, and 
World wars, great aid was given the country by 
citizen soldiers who responded to the special call 
of the President for additional men to fight. In 
this call, the President requests from each State 
a number apportioned to its population; that is, 
a large State like New York would be asked to 
furnish more men than a small State like Rhode 
Island. When still more men are needed than 
the regular army, the National Guard, and the 
special volunteers can equal, there must be a 
draft. This means that certain of those able- 
bodied citizens (the Reserve Militia) who have 
not offered to serve their country in uniform, 
must be forced to do so. The names of those fit 
for military service are secured, and from these 
the required number are drawn, usually by lot. 

Although the President is officially comman¬ 
der-in-chief of the army of the United States, he 
has never personally directed the movements of 
armies in the field. The real management of war 
falls upon the Secretary of War himself, who 
has supervision of all soldiers in time of war as 
well as in times of peace. One of this official’s 


NATIONAL DEFENSE 


277 

most important duties is to care for the material 
welfare of the army. In direct charge of this 
work he has placed the quartermaster-general, 
who attends to the clothing and transportation of 
troops; the commissary-general, who supplies the 
food; the chief of ordnance, who furnishes the 
arms and ammunition; the surgeon-general, who 
provides medicine, physicians and nurses; and 
the adjutant-general, who conducts correspond¬ 
ence. The tactical side is in charge of a Chief 
of Staff, who is the commanding general. 

THE NAVY 

It has been figured that not less than ten per 
cent of the population and wealth of the United 
States lies along the seacoast, exposed to the first 
attacks of a foreign foe. Not only are the lives 
and property of these people threatened, but more 
than all else, these sections are the gateways 
which, once conquered, will admit an enemy from 
over-seas into the very heart of our Nation. 

Naturally, to defend this property, these gates, 
is an important consideration with the Federal 
Government. To provide the most vulnerable 
spots with garrisoned forts and heavy guns is 
not enough. The enemy must be given as little 
opportunity as possible to get within range of 
the coast defenses; warships must be equipped 
to go out and meet them on the high seas, and 


278 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

either cripple or defeat them summarily; and, 
furthermore, such warships must be ever ready to 
sally forth to other lands, to take up the gage or 
threat of battle there should the need exist. 

The affairs of the navy were managed by the 
War Department until 1798, when Congress es¬ 
tablished the Navy Department and created the 
controlling office of Secretary of the Navy. As 
with the army, the President is commander-in¬ 
chief, but he delegates his authority in all but 
emergency cases to the Secretary of the Navy. 
Up to twenty-six or seven years ago our navy 
had been very small, but then it began to grow 
in earnest, until now it has become a power of 
high rank. In its service there are more than 
four hundred thousand officers and men. Either 
built or building, we have fifty-two heavy battle¬ 
ships, six battle-cruisers,, eight armored cruisers, 
four first-class cruisers, eleven second-class 
cruisers, fifteen third-class cruisers, seven moni¬ 
tors, more than three hundred destroyers, al¬ 
most two hundred submarines, and more than 
three hundred submarine-chasers. Besides this 
there are many more lighter and less important 
warships, such as coast torpedo-boats, gunboats, 
patrol vessels, tenders, mine-sweepers, trans¬ 
ports, supply-ships, hospital-ships, fuel-ships, etc. 

The vessels of the United States are dis¬ 
tributed among several divisions called fleets. 


NATIONAL DEFENSE 


279 

Thus we have the Atlantic, the Pacific, and the 
Asiatic, fleets. Each fleet is under the command 
of a rear-admiral, and each vessel under a cap¬ 
tain. Some of the larger battleships have a crew 
of more than fifteen hundred, cost over two 
million dollars to build and equip, and take almost 
three years to complete. 

The Marine Corps and the Coast Guard are 
two branches of the navy which should not be 
overlooked here. The Marine Corps has an au¬ 
thorized strength at present of 1,093 officers and 
27,400 men. This class of sailors has been a dis¬ 
tinct corps as long as there have been navies. 
The United States Marine Corps was authorized 
by Congress in 1775. Its purpose is to furnish 
trained seamen for shore service wherever needed 
by conditions of emergency. Commissioned offi¬ 
cers are appointed from graduates of the Naval 
Academy at Annapolis, and from worthy non¬ 
commissioned officers of the Corps itself. 

The Coast Guard was created by an act of 
1915, succeeding the United States Revenue 
Cutter Service. The authorized personnel is 270 
commissioned officers, and 6,544 warrant offi¬ 
cers, petty officers, and men. The Guard is di¬ 
vided into thirteen districts. Its cadets are edu¬ 
cated at the Coast Guard Academy, at New Lon¬ 
don, Connecticut. Candidates for cadets must 
not be less than eighteen years old nor more than 


28 o young CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


twenty-four. They are appointed through com¬ 
petitive examinations given by commissioned 
officers of the organization. 

MARTIAL LAW 

Doubtless you have noticed that in the United 
States those who wield the sword are under the 
control of civil officers. Thus the general of the 
regular army obeys the President, the officers 
of the State militia take their orders from the 
governor, and the police of a city are controlled 
by the mayor or citizens. 

This bringing of the military under the thumb 
of the civil power is in exact accord with Ameri¬ 
can notions of government. We have no place 
in our system for martial law, the kind of law 
which is administered by soldiers, and which is 
totally at variance with the principles of civil 
liberty. But suspending the writ of habeas cor¬ 
pus temporarily deprives citizens of their civil 
rights, and places them under military law. How¬ 
ever, this can be done only in the case of emer¬ 
gency, where the safety of lives or property seem 
to demand it. 

A State cannot maintain armed troops in time 
of peace, and thus threaten the permanency of 
civil rights. Neither can the Federal Government 
in times of peace harass the people by quartering 


NATIONAL DEFENSE 


281 

soldiers in the homes of citizens, without their 
consent; and even in time of war such quarter¬ 
ing must be done with the permission of the civil 
authorities. 

This goes to show that, while we have made 
ample provisions for the proper defense of the 
Nation and State, we have taken every precau¬ 
tion to prevent these instruments of defense from 
becoming a menace to the people they are de¬ 
signed to protect. 


CHAPTER XXIV 


INTERESTING BUREAUS^ ORGANIZATIONS^ AND IN¬ 
STITUTIONS 

Much of the most interesting of Uncle Sam's 
work is carried on by his bureaus, organizations, 
and institutions. Considering the Federal Gov¬ 
ernment as a great throbbing body, full of life 
and energy, and its ten great departments as its 
powerful arms and legs, we may very nicely con¬ 
tinue the analogy by liking its bureaus and 
smaller branches to the hands and fingers and 
feet and toes of its structure. While these do 
not as a rule make as strong a showing as the 
larger limbs, their dexterity and usefulness is 
quite amazing when we once see them perform¬ 
ing. 

THE BUREAU OF MINES 

The United States Bureau of Mines is a branch 
of the Department of Labor. One of the main 
purposes of this Bureau is to teach safety to the 
more than one million men who dig in the mines, 
and to one other million of men who are in some 
other way connected with mining. 

282 


BUREAUS AND ORGANIZATIONS 283 

Mining in this country is growing very fast, 
so fast that each year several thousand new men 
must be added to the ranks of the miners in order 
to keep up the supply of minerals and ore. Many 
of these men are foreign-born and do not under¬ 
stand mining when they start in, having worked 
on farms in their native countries. For this rea¬ 
son they do not in the least know of the dangers 
that are found underground, and therefore are 
likely to do something to cause accidents which 
may result in the injury or death of themselves 
and comrades. 

To teach such ignorant men how to be careful, 
the Bureau of Mines does much experimenting, 
and sends out to the men in the mines little pam¬ 
phlets called ''Miners’ Circulars,” which plainly 
tell the underground workers how to avoid un¬ 
necessary risks and at all times keep in the best 
physical conditipn. In order that those who can¬ 
not speak or read English may understand these 
directions, the pamphlets are printed in foreign 
languages as well as English, all on the same 
sheet. Italian, Polish, and Slovak, are the for¬ 
eign languages used at present, as the great ma¬ 
jority of the miners who are not Americans come 
from one or the other of these countries. 

Since the Bureau began sending out these cir¬ 
culars the accidents and deaths in mines have be¬ 
come much fewer. The example has served to 


284 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

awaken the mining companies to its own neglect 
in these matters in the past, and now practically 
all of them also issue instructive reading matter 
to their employes, and give them talks at every 
opportunity. 

The rules for mines are made by the States in. 
which the mines are located. These States em¬ 
ploy special mine inspectors whose duty it is to 
go down in the mines, look them over very care¬ 
fully, and then report to the mining company any 
condition which they think is not right for the 
welfare of the miners. If the mine owners do 
not at once make the changes recommended by 
the inspectors, the latter have the power to bring 
them into court for punishment. 

When the new miner learns more about his 
work, the Bureau of Mines has some papers 
which tell him more difficult things about min¬ 
ing. By studying these directions it is not long 
before the new man is able to take good care of 
himself, and earn more money as well, because 
he soon gets a better job. 

The Bureau does a great many more things 
than this for the mining industry, however. Not 
only does it help the mine-worker, but it helps the 
mine-owner. Its exhaustive experiments, con¬ 
ducted often at great cost and time and trouble, 
lead to new discoveries in mining. These are 
communicated to the company, and the latter 


BUREAUS AND ORGANIZATIONS 285 

turns them over to their engineers and operators, 
who seldom have time for experimenting, and 
the new methods are tried out, and used if found 
good. This saves waste, and that which pre¬ 
vents waste is very beneficial to the people in gen¬ 
eral, who need every ounce of coal they can get, 
at the Ipwest possible price. Prosperity in¬ 
creases always as waste decreases. Like a tee¬ 
ter-totter, as one goes down the other goes up. 

THE WEATHER BUREAU 

Man had been on earth but a very short time 
before he began to take notice of the weather. 
When the first heavy rainfall caught him shel¬ 
terless and drenched him to the skin, he tried 
to remember just how nature looked a few min¬ 
utes before the downfall so that he might rec¬ 
ognize the approach of the next storm and escape 
its violence. Thus he began to study the sun, 
the moon, the winds, the tides, the clouds, the 
atmosphere, even vegetation and the animal 
world, in order to foretell the coming of changes 
of weather and save himself discomforts by be¬ 
ing prepared for them. After a time his inge¬ 
nuity had made it possible for him not only to 
prophesy with a fair degree of accuracy various 
vagaries of the weather, but he was also able to 
make comparative records of them. For he had 


286 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

invented a thermometer for measuring heat, a 
barometer for measuring the pressure of the air, 
an anemometer for measuring the velocity of the 
wind, a rain-gauge for measuring the amount of 
rainfall, and various other instruments to assist 
him in his calculations. 

From a study of many years’ records of these 
instruments, he discovered certain laws govern¬ 
ing the changes in weather which he had never 
dreamed of before. And when the telegraph 
was invented, the importance of his inventions 
was greatly increased. For then, if a bad storm 
were occurring in a distant part of the country,— 
traveling, we will say, east,—messages sent in 
that direction would warn towns along the way, 
as much as forty-eight hours ahead of time, to 
be ready for trouble. In this way do our local 
papers get the weather news twice every day. 
It is handed to them by service stations of the 
Bureau which are located in various large cities 
in every State. These stations report on local 
conditions as well as interstate conditions; their 
reports give warning of storms at sea and induce 
wise shipmasters to seek shelter; they also go into 
the rural sections by telegraph, telephone, and 
mail, and prepare farmers for what is coming; 
they tell shippers of perishables when it will be 
wise to send fruits, vegetables, and meats with¬ 
out danger of damage; they advise coal dealers 


BUREAUS AND ORGANIZATIONS 287 

when a cold snap is expected so that they can get 
in plenty of coal and wood; they hint to ice¬ 
cream and fan manufacturers when a hot spell 
is due, so that good supplies of their product will 
be on hand. In fact there is scarcely any sort of 
industry or profession or activity in life which 
has not been benefited by these reports of the 
United States Weather Bureau. 

THE BUREAU OF FORESTRY 

On account of the immense value to our coun¬ 
try of its forests, the Bureau of Forestry has 
been organized to take care of this subject. 
American forests supply the material for lumber¬ 
ing, which is our third greatest industry. More 
than that, these forests protect and regulate the 
flow of streams necessary for irrigation, power 
development, navigation, and domestic water 
supply. They lessen floods, prevent the soil from 
washing away, afford places for recreation to 
people, provide shelter and homes for animals, 
birds, and flowers. 

When forests mean as much as all this to us, 
you can see that we would be indeed very foolish 
to leave them entirely to themselves and the van¬ 
dals who might destroy them. Vast wooded areas 
have been laid waste by fire in years past, im¬ 
proved land and settlers’ homes have been de- 


288 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 


voured by it also. Besides, we have wasted, in 
cutting and in use, twice as much wood as we 
have used. Worst of all, we have been felling 
about three trees for every tree that has grown 
up while we were doing it. Between this waste 
by fire, waste by use, and natural consumption, 
our timbered area is growing smaller and smaller 
every year; and, startling to say, our needs for 
wood have greatly increased. 

What does this mean? If this condition should 
go on until the boys of to-day are tottering old 
men, where will they find wood from which to 
make their canes? It must not go on—so says 
your Uncle Sam. To make sure that everything 
possible is done to eliminate forest fires, to pre¬ 
vent waste in cutting and manufacture, the 
United States Government has established this 
Bureau of Forestry. Its members are experts on 
trees and all that is connected with the use of 
trees. Under their advice most of the wooded 
area of the Government—which consists of about 
one-fifth of the country’s whole—has been set 
aside and made into National forests. These 
National forests, which are not the same as the 
National parks, are under the jurisdiction of the 
Bureau of Forestry, an adjunct of the Depart¬ 
ment of Agriculture. 

There are now more than one hundred and 
fifty National forests, consisting of as many 


BUREAUS AND ORGANIZATIONS 289 

million acres. For the most part these forests 
are rough mountain lands, unsuited to farming, 
and most of them are in the far Western States. 
Every year between fifteen and thirty thousand 
young trees are planted on treeless mountain 
sides in an effort to keep pace with the cutting 
of grown timber. These saplings, as well as the 
older trees, are carefully looked after by young 
men called ^‘Rangers,’’ who are sent to these dis¬ 
tricts by the Bureau. The Rangers lead a rigor¬ 
ous, adventurous life. They are all expert for¬ 
esters, and must perform a wide extent of duties. 
They must patrol the forests constantly, prevent 
human thieves from stealing valuable timber, 
trappers and hunters and tourists from leaving 
smoldering campfires, locomotives from setting 
fire to them, insects from ravaging them; and in 
case of fires, the Rangers must fight them to the 
uttermost. These hardy fellows also measure 
trees, and record their growth and species, to keep 
Uncle Sam informed at all times as to just what 
condition his forests are in. 

The Bureau of Forestry also carries on investi¬ 
gations for the purpose of improving stock 
ranges in the National forests. Thus more than 
ten million head of sheep and cattle, belonging to 
the public, are allowed to graze on these ranges 
at a small cost per head. Should the public find 
mineral deposits in these forests, they may be 


290 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

developed as freely as on any other Government 
land. Waterpower may also be developed by 
citizens for recreational use; and bridges, trails, 
roads, telephone lines, and other improvements, 
are constructed in them. Close to one-half the 
revenue from these privileges is given by the 
Government to promote schools and roads in 
the States where these National forests are lo¬ 
cated; the rest of the money goes into the Na¬ 
tional treasury. 

The Forest Service tries to keep the public in¬ 
formed of the work which it is doing, and of the 
important facts concerning forests, their pro¬ 
tection, and uses, which it finds out by its inves¬ 
tigations. Free publications are issued fre¬ 
quently and mailed to all who ask for them. 
Traveling exhibits of wood, charts, maps, photo¬ 
graphs, lantern slides, motion pictures, and lec¬ 
ture outlines to accompany them, are gladly 
loaned to schools, libraries, clubs, and other edu¬ 
cational agencies. 

THE PATENT OFFICE 

It is nothing more than right that every person 
who finds some better way of doing a thing than 
it has ever been done before, should be protected 
by law so that he can get the full benefits of his 
idea, and not be robbed of it by those who have 
not devised it or bought it from, its originator. 


BUREAUS AND ORGANIZATIONS 291 

If there were no laws to protect inventors, there 
would be far less progress mechanically, scien¬ 
tifically and commercially. For, knowing that 
others would be sure to skim off all the cream 
from the cup of their genius, inventors would 
cease to try to create new things of beauty and 
usefulness, and the world would almost stand 
still. So but for the fact that practically all civ¬ 
ilized governments have been wise enough to 
weave a shield of law about inventions, it is 
doubtful if to-day we would know anything 
about telephones, electric lights, automobiles, air¬ 
planes, submarines, motion pictures, wireless te¬ 
legraphy, and the like. 

Although the patent-right system first came 
into use in England, it probably has rendered its 
greatest service in the United States. When the 
First Congress passed a law creating a patent 
commission, the commissioners waited for three 
months before the first applicant for a patent 
appeared. Samuel Hopkins had invented a new 
process of making pot and pearl ashes, and was 
granted a patent thereon on July 31, 1790* Three 
years later the Secretary of State became the 
head of the system. Since that day the American 
inventions have led the world. More than thirty 
thousand new ideas a year are now being brought 
out by Americans. About an equal number are 
refused letters patent for various reasons. 


292 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

The Patent Office is located in a building of its 
own in Washington, D. C. There are forty- 
three different divisions, each of these caring for 
business related to some certain art. The divis¬ 
ions are broken up into sub-classes, as there are 
many thousands of subjects upon which patents 
are issued, and the business done is so enormous 
that it must be handled in the most scientific man¬ 
ner. The heads of divisions and the examiners 
are all college-graduates, with the very highest 
training in their respective lines. These men, as 
a whole, must know the ins and outs of every 
business, trade, profession. They must under¬ 
stand astronomy, chemistry, science, and every 
fundamental law of the physical world. They 
must not make errors, be unfair in their treat¬ 
ment of applicants, or consume unnecessary time 
in rendering reports. 

In years gone by every applicant for a patent 
had to submit a small working model of his idea 
with his application. Soon the spare rooms of 
the Patent Office began to fill rapidly with these 
clever little devices, many of which were marvels 
of craftsmanship aside from the idea they were 
intended to convey. There were tiny little loco¬ 
motives which would steam up and run just like 
a large one; there were beautiful miniature 
steamboats with steam and electrically propelled 
driving gear; there were cute little clocks that 


BUREAUS AND ORGANIZATIONS 293 

gained their power from various sources, some 
very queer; there were odd-looking bicycles and 
velocipedes, as well as some which were not odd 
at all; there were hundreds of the strangest little 
machines you ever saw, machines whose purpose 
you could not even guess; there were, in fact, so 
many curious constructions that it would have 
made your head swim to look at them. 

Of course all these models, some of which were 
quite large, took up a great deal of space. As 
time went on those in the Patent Office began 
to wonder where they would put the next day’s 
batch. Finally there seemed no more room at 
all. Then Congress got busy and passed an act 
which did away with the model nuisance, and in¬ 
ventors who had had to make the models breathed 
a great sigh of thanksgiving. This act substi¬ 
tuted working drawings in place of the models— 
something that could be stored much more read¬ 
ily, and which gave just as good a clue to the 
character of the applicant’s idea. But the models 
of ye olden tyme are still kept by the Patent 
Office, and to this day form a most interesting 
exhibit for all visitors who care to look at them. 

There are two ways in which we may apply 
for a patent if we think we have a clever idea. 
One way is to go to a patent-attorney in our 
town, give him all the details (if possible a 
model), and engage him to handle all the corre- 


294 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

spondence with Washington. Of course for this 
he will ask a fee, which, inclusive of the Patent 
Office fee, may amount to seventy-five dollars or 
more. 

The other way, and the less costly, is for the 
applicant to be his own attorney, making his own 
drawings, drawing up his own specifications and 
claims, sending in his own application, and an¬ 
swering all correspondence till the case is settled. 
In this way he is only put to the expense of the 
Government fee, which is fifteen dollars with 
application, and twenty dollars additional when 
the patent right is issued, or thirty-five dollars 
in all. But in order to do this the inventor must 
be a good draftsman, a concise writer, and under¬ 
stand how to word his claims so that he can pre¬ 
vent competitors’ lawyers from dodging around 
them legally and acquiring the benefits of his 
invention by slight modifications. Every inven¬ 
tor who intends to apply for his own patent 
should send to the Patent Office for its ^^Rules of 
Practice.” This pamphlet is sent free of cost 
to those who ask for it, and is invaluable, as it 
gives would-be applicants detailed information 
along the very lines they need. 

THE GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

The United States owns its own printing and 
binding plant, which is located in Washington, 


BUREAUS AND ORGANIZATIONS 295 

D. C. It is under the direction of the Public 
Printer, who is appointed by the President with 
the consent of the Senate. This is the largest 
printing office in the world. It employs more 
than five thousand persons, and occupies several 
buildings which have a combined floor space of 
almost fourteen acres. 

In this office is done the printing and binding 
of all publications for Congress. Each member 
of Congress, is entitled to a certain number of 
copies, which are mailed free of cost to persons 
selected by him. In this manner an immense 
amount of information is printed and dissemin¬ 
ated to the public. In fact during the sessions of 
Congress it is not at all unusual for as many as 
twenty-five thousand bills and resolutions to be 
introduced, all of which must be printed in addi¬ 
tion to a vast quantity of miscellaneous work. 
The latter includes stationery for the President 
and his department heads, postage stamps, postal 
cards, money orders, many varieties of report 
blanks. Civil Service documents, Federal sub¬ 
poenas and warrants, licenses, revenue stamps, 
maps, charts, and bonds. 

Any one who desires to secure a copy of any 
document of a public nature can do so by com¬ 
municating with the Superintendent of Docu¬ 
ments, Government Printing Office, Washington, 
D. C. These copies are sold at actual cost price. 


296 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

a mere pittance. The proceeds go toward meet¬ 
ing the expenses of the Printing Office. 

THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 

Nearly everybody in the United States, as well 
as in other civilized nations, has heard of this 
famous Institution in Washington. James Smith- 
son, an Englishman, bequeathed his fortune to 
the United States ^‘to found, under the name of 
the Smithsonian Institution, an establishment for 
the increase and diffusion of knowledge among 
men.” This knowledge was not to be dispensed 
in books, nor by lectures; it was to be passed on 
chiefly by an immense graphic display, showing 
by implements and set figures of persons, ani¬ 
mals, birds and fishes, etc., the past and present 
customs of America, and the characteristics of 
her life. 

The Smithsonian building was erected in 
1847-1855 on land given to the Institution by the 
United States. The original endowment of $541,- 
000 has been increased by other bequests and 
gifts to the amount of about one million dollars. 
The annual income of this permanent fund is 
devoted to the maintenance of the property, to 
exploration and research, and to publication and 
distribution of new information. 

Among the members of the Smithsonian Insti- 


BUREAUS AND ORGANIZATIONS 297 

tution are the President, the Vice-President, the 
Chief Justice, and the President’s Cabinet. 

The Institution has charge of administration 
of six branches, which have grown out of its 
early activities, and which are supported by ap¬ 
propriations by Congress. These branches are: 
the National Museum (including the National 
Gallery of Art), the International Exchange 
Service, the Bureau of American Ethnology, the 
National Zoological Park, the Astrophysical Ob¬ 
servatory, and the United States Bureau of the 
International Catalogue of Scientific Literature. 

THE AMERICAN NATIONAL RED CROSS 

The American National Red Cross is a phil¬ 
anthropic organization. It is incorporated by 
the Congress of the United States for the pur¬ 
pose of furnishing voluntary aid to the sick and 
wounded of the army and navy in time of war, in 
accordance with the treaty of Geneva, and to 
carry on a system of National and international 
relief in time of peace, and to apply the same in 
reducing suffering caused by pestilence, famine, 
fire, flood, and other noteworthy calamities, and 
to devise and carry on measures for preventing 
the same. The governing body of the American 
Red Cross is a central committee of eighteen 
members, six of whom are annually appointed by 
the President. 


298 YOUNG CITIZEN^S OWN BOOK 

This is undoubtedly the largest society with 
a paid membership in the country. During the 
World War, when its activities meant so much to 
America and her Allies, the Red Cross member¬ 
ship increased with leaps and bounds. Nearly 
every family had at least one member, which is 
a most remarkable record. Most of these took 
a deep interest in the organization, and continued 
to pay dues when the initial dues had expired. 
Any resident of the United States or its exterior 
possessions is eligible for enrollment as a mem¬ 
ber of the American Red Cross. 

Since January 5, 1905, the date of its present 
charter, this society has conducted relief opera¬ 
tions in the United States and foreign countries 
for more than ninety disasters. These include 
famines, earthquakes, fires, cyclones, floods, mine 
explosions, epidemics, volcanic eruptions, ship¬ 
wrecks, and war. It has raised and expended 
in the foregoing relief operations, including the 
campaign against tuberculosis, over fifteen mil¬ 
lion in cash, besides several million dollars’ worth 
of supplies. It conducts a first-aid department 
which has been the means of instructing and fur¬ 
nishing comfort to hundreds of thousands of 
people employed in industrial pursuits. It also 
has classes for women in elementary hygiene, and 
home care of the sick, in every section of the 
country; and it supervises a Town and Country 


BUREAUS AND ORGANIZATIONS 299 

Nursing Service, which has made possible the 
benefits of trained nursing in rural communities. 

A very important auxiliary of the American 
Red Cross is the Junior Red Cross. This, com¬ 
posed of school children throughout the United 
States, came into existence during the late war. 
The avidity with which the children joined the 
organization, and the wonderfully helpful work 
they did by making things of comfort for our 
soldier boys and sailor boys, is one of the most 
remarkable features of the many notable services 
rendered by young Americans during the absence 
of their brothers and fathers. 


CHAPTER XXV 


OUR INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 

In early times war was a common condition. 
People thought it perfectly right to do as much 
harm as possible to a foreign country, for the 
people of one land looked at the people of all other 
lands as their deadly enemies. In this light a 
weak nation was regarded as fair prey for a 
stronger nation. Quarrels were always breaking 
out between neighboring peoples. Prisoners 
taken in war, if not butchered, were held as 
slaves. Private property was the booty of the 
victors. Men went about armed at all times, and 
even then they were not safe in foreign lands. 

These animosities quite naturally led to a very 
restricted immigration; nobody cared to travel in 
another country, or go there to live. To widen 
the breach still further heavy taxes were put on 
foreign trade; it was believed that neither money 
nor goods ought to be sent out of one’s own coun¬ 
try into another. In short it was the custom to 
shun neighboring countries as much as possible, 
letting them depend entirely upon their own re¬ 
sources. 


300 


INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 301 

Now all this is changed. The transformation 
came about gradually, very slowly, as the result 
of many different causes; but back of all these 
was that indomitable, irrepressible force. Intelli¬ 
gence, which grew with the nations of the world 
as it grows with children and the fathers and 
mothers of children—slowly, very slowly; but 
grew always, until the day came when Intelligence 
began to warm cold hearts toward hearts in other 
lands, and now conditions between foreign coun¬ 
tries are much nearer a state of universal brother¬ 
hood than ever before in the world’s history. 
Rather than regarding the prosperity of one 
country as the injury of the other, now nations 
are beginning to regard themselves largely as one 
big family, and to think that harm befalling any 
one of them will be a loss to all. Instead of keep¬ 
ing aloof from one another with their trade, they 
are doing everything they can to stimulate com¬ 
merce between them; they are finding out that it 
is to their own advantage that foreign customers 
should be prosperous, for then they will have 
money with which to buy elsewhere the goods the.y 
cannot grow or manufacture. 

During these changes in sentiment of nation 
toward nation, there has been gradually estab¬ 
lished, partly by the precedents of usage, certain 
rules or laws governing the behavior of nations 
toward each other, exactly as the laws of a State 


302 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

regulate the behavior of its citizens. These ob¬ 
servances are called international law. Interna¬ 
tional law is simply an agreement among nations 
for the common good of all. It is built upon jus¬ 
tice and humanity, first, then upon convenience, 
as so great an influence should be. There are 
courts in each nation to-day which have the im¬ 
portant duty of considering questions of interna¬ 
tional law. 

International law began with the same three 
fundamental purposes of general government: 
protection from enemies, protection from the in¬ 
justice of fellow citizens, and the public conven¬ 
ience. 

In the first place it united different nations in 
an alliance against common enemies. At one 
time it fought piracy and the slave trade. It also 
made rules for giving up murderers and other 
arch criminals to the country where they be¬ 
longed, that they might be brought to trial and 
punished if found guilty. 

In the second place international law has al¬ 
ways aimed to secure fair dealing among neigh¬ 
boring nations. There are certain important mu¬ 
tual rights and duties between nations which 
international law attempts to define. In this way 
treaties and custom fix and preserve the sacred¬ 
ness of boundary lines, upon which no foreign 
nation has a right to trespass. Again, interna- 


INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 303 

tional law seeks to lessen the frightfulness of 
war by making rules which make it difficult for 
nations to engage in hostilities, and once in, 
other rules which will control the kinds of 
weapons and the fighting methods employed in 
such a way that the death toll will be kept down 
to the minimum, and wounds robbed of their 
worst features, and women and children and 
old men and property spared from the hands of 
a ruthless enemy. 

In the third place, international law aims at 
the general convenience of mankind. For in¬ 
stance, we now have a wonderfully efficient uni¬ 
versal postal service, which makes it possible to 
send a piece of mail into almost any foreign coun¬ 
try, at our own rate of postage in some cases, 
and a slightly advanced rate in others. Treaties 
and usage also serve to protect travelers and 
foreign residents, as well as*the goods of foreign 
merchants, in all civilized countries. Lighthouse 
and coast surveys are maintained for the inter¬ 
est of not only the country erecting and operating 
them, but for the interest of the commerce of all 
nations. 

The management of these international affairs 
is a service, as you can see, of the very highest 
importance; and the power to direct foreign re¬ 
lations is a sovereign power. In the United 
States all power in respect to matters of an in- 


304 YOUNG CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

ternational character is lodged in the Federal 
Government. International affairs have never 
been regulated by the State, the Constitution pro¬ 
hibiting this. 

The international political affairs of a country 
are conducted by its diplomatic representatives. 
Of these the ambassador is the highest in rank. 
The ambassador represents the person of the 
chief executive of the country from which he 
comes, and for this reason he is splendidly 
housed and given the highest consideration by 
officers and citizens of that country. On the 
other hand, a minister, who is next to the am¬ 
bassador in rank, represents the government 
from which he comes, but not the personality of 
the chief executive. 

In foreign courts an ambassador, being a per¬ 
sonal representative of a ruler, is admitted to an 
audience ahead of a minister. For a long time a 
minister was the highest diplomatic representa¬ 
tive of the United States, but when it was found 
that a minister of this country was sometimes 
kept waiting for an official audience, while the 
ambassador of some petty kingdom was being re¬ 
ceived, Congress (in 1893) created the rank of 
ambassador. Thus we now have ambassadors 
for Great Britain, Germany, Russia, Japan, 
Spain, France, Italy, Austria, Belgium, Mexico, 
Peru, Brazil, Chile, Argentina, and Turkey. In 


INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 305“ 

other countries we are represented by ministers 
only. 

The property and households of ambassadors 
and ministers are exempt from the laws of the 
country in which they are serving. According to 
international law, the residence of a foreign min¬ 
ister is a little patch of territory under the 
dominion of the country which the minister rep¬ 
resents, although it is really owned by the nation 
in which he is acting. Thus if the Chinese min¬ 
ister at Washington should commit a crime, 
Chinese and not American authorities must try 
his case and administer punishment, the country 
in which his crime was committed having power 
only to ask his recall and the substitution of an¬ 
other official. 

The duties of a diplomatic representative de¬ 
pend upon the powers which his government has 
conferred upon him and upon the relations which 
exist between his government and the one to 
which he is sent. In general he represents and 
defends the interests of his nation. He keeps the 
home government informed upon topics of public 
interest, especially those of a political nature; but 
he must be careful not to interfere in any way 
with the politics of the country wherein he 
temporarily resides. When a citizen of his own 
land has been injured by a violation of a rule of 
international law, he seeks a remedy from the 


3 o6 young CITIZEN’S OWN BOOK 

foreign government involved; and when a treaty 
is about to be made, he usually serves as the go- 
between or channel of negotiation. 

Another type of foreign representative is 
called a consul, A consul is a business agent of a 
country who has been sent to a shipping center, 
either inland or at a seaport, to look after the 
commercial interests of his fellow citizens. He 
does not represent his government politically; he 
is not a diplomatic agent, in other words, having 
none of the honors and immunities of either an 
ambassador or a minister. His chief duty is to 
aid his countrymen in securing their commercial 
rights, and promoting demand for home-made 
goods in the land where he is placed. Among his 
other duties may be enumerated: placing his seal 
upon official commercial acts of the foreign gov¬ 
ernment; certifying marriages in which one or 
both of the principals are from his native shores; 
certifying births and deaths of his resident coun¬ 
trymen; officiating as administrator of the per¬ 
sonal property of deceased countrymen where 
they have no relative or other representative at 
hand; also receiving applications for, and issuing, 
passports in the absence of the regular diplomatic 
representatives. 

The President nominates picked men for the 
posts of ambassador, minister, and consul. Such 
nominations go to the Senate and, if confirmed. 


INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 307 

the men so nominated are appointed. They are 
directly connected with the Department of State, 
which is our only Department concerned with 
foreign affairs. Their reports to this Depart¬ 
ment are of a most confidential character and 
aid it not a little in directing its foreign policy. 


“s ' 


<;• 


1’ 




CHARTS 

ILLUSTRATING PHASES OF OUR GOVERNMENT 

The succeeding pages of charts are planned to 
illustrate in a graphic way the ground plan of 
our Government, as already discussed. The 
young reader is invited to turn back to the 
chapters containing these subjects, and note how 
carefully our lawmakers have planned and built 
the present structures of nation, city, and state; 
and how closely each office or department hinges 
upon every other. 

These charts serve to show, perhaps better than 
many pages of text, the wonderful mechanism of 
our administrative affairs. As we study them 
we may well understand why this Government 
has been the pattern and the envy of nearly every 
civilized nation—why such a Government ‘‘of 
the people, by the people, for the people, should 
not perish from the earth.’’ 


309 


NATIONAL GDVEDNnCNT 



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INITIATIVE REFERENDUM RECALL 









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